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Heroes  of  the  Nations 

A  Series  of  Biographical  Studies 
presenting  the  lives  and  work 
of  certain  representative  his- 
torical characters,  about  whom 
have  gathered  the  traditions 
of  the  nations  to  which  they 
belong,  and  who  have,  in  the 
majority  of  instances,  been 
accepted  as  types  of  the  sev- 
eral national  ideals. 


FOR  FULL  LIST  SEE  END  OF  THIS  VOLUME 


Ifoeroes  of  tbe  Wattons 


EDITED  BY 

lb*  Ud.  C.  2>avte 


FACTA  DUOIS  VIVENT,  OPEROSAQUE 
GLORIA  RERUM  OVID,  IN  LIVIAM,  255. 

THE  HERO'S  DEEDS  AND  HARD-WON 
FAME  SHALL  LIVE. 


FERNANDO  CORTES 


PORTRAIT  OF  CORTES 

FROM  AN  ENGRAVING  BY  FERDIN  SELMA  AFTER  THE  PAINTING  BY  TITIAN 


Fernando  Cortes 

AND  THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO 

x?,stu  /0//3//S 

BY 

FRANCIS  AUGUSTUS  MacNUTT 

Translator  and  Editor  of  the  "  Letters  of  Cortes,"  Author  of 
"  Bartholomew  de  Las  Casas,  His  Life,  His  Apostolate,  and 
His  Writings  " 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW   YORK  AND  LONDON 

Zbc  ifmfcfterbocfcer  press 

1909 


(A' 


Copyright,  1909 

BY 

FRANCIS  A.  MacNUTT 


.  I 


Ube  Tknicfeerbocfeei:  ptees,  Hew  lorfe 


Go 

KENELM  VAUGHAN 

IN   MEMORY   OF  OUR  MANY   HAPPY  DAYS   TOGETHER  IN  OLD  AND 
NEW  SPAIN,  THIS  VOLUME  IS  AFFECTION- 
ATELY DEDICATED 


PREFACE 


SPAIN  held  the  dominant  place  amongst 
European  states  in  the  first  half  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  she  was  prolific  in  great 
men,  who  governed  at  home  or  extended  her 
power  abroad.  Among  the  latter,  Fernando 
Cortes  was  easily  the  greatest,  and  the  story 
of  his  life  is  a  chronicle  of  deeds  of  heroism 
and  sheer  daring,  to  which  history  offers  few 
parallels.  In  the  work  of  overturning  the  mili- 
tary and  religious  despotism  of  Montezuma2 
some  terrible  deeds  were  done.  Similar  acts 
of  severity  and  cruelty,  however,  blot  the  fame 
of  great  leaders  in  most  wars,  ancient  and 
modern. 

Some  of  the  material  used  in  the  following 
brief  story  of  the  conqueror's  life  has  already 
appeared  in  the  biographical  note  to  the  Letters 
of  Cortes,  the  favourable  reception  of  which  by 
students  of  American  history,  has  encouraged  me 
to  prepare  the  present  work  in  a  more  popular 
form. 

I  have  essayed  to  portray  the  personal  char- 
acter of  Cortes,  as  well  as  the  events  in  which 
he  played  the  hero's  part,  and  I  have  sought 
to  present  to  the  consideration  of  my  readers 
the  psychological,  racial,  and  material  influences 
that  made  the  man  what  he  was:  the  circum- 


vi 


Preface 


stances  that  developed  his  latent  powers,  the 
motives  that  directed  his  actions,  and  the  means 
he  used  to  achieve  his  ends.  In  so  doing,  I  am 
not  aware  of  having  glossed  over  or  condoned 
either  the  regrettable  flaws  in  his  private 
morals,  or  the  several  acts  of  duplicity  and  ex- 
cessive cruelty  which  so  seriously  detract  from 
the  admiration  his  great  achievements  would 
otherwise  unreservedly  command.  Both  his 
methods  and  his  motives  were  vigorously  at- 
tacked by  his  contemporary  adversaries,  and 
almost  every  known  crime,  from  assassination 
to  high  treason,  was  imputed  to  him.  Un- 
substantiated and  mendacious  for  the  most  part, 
the  specific  accusations  of  high  crimes  were, 
and  they  may  be  dismissed.  They  were  suc- 
cessfully refuted  during  his  life-time,  and  the 
permanently  beneficent  results  secured  to  hu- 
manity by  his  conquests,  remain  forever  beyond 
the  boundaries  of  the  historically  debatable. 

Les  grands  desseins  et  notables  entreprises 
ne  se  verifient  jamais  autrement  que  par  le 
succes.  The  maxim  is  Cardinal  Richelieu's, 
and  its  sense  was  more  briefly  expressed  by 
Napoleon:  Je  ne  juge  les  hommes  que  par  les 
resultats. 

Although  the  religious  influences,  prevalent 
in  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages,  began  in  the 
sixteenth  century  to  show  signs  of  decline,  gov- 
ernments still  assumed  the  guardianship  of 
religious  unity  in  the  State.    Macchiavelli  codi- 


CORTES 

FROM  THE  PORTRAIT  IN  THE  JESUS  HOSPITAL  IN  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO 


Preface 


vii 


fied  the  political  ethics  of  his  age  and,  though 
condemned  by  the  Church  and  repudiated  by 
moralists,  his  philosophy  of  crime  was  adopted 
by  statesmen  whose  personal  characters  com- 
mand respect.  II  Principe  and  the  Discorsi 
exhibit  the  standards  by  which  the  conduct  of 
public  men  was  governed,  and  the  moral  sense 
of  sovereigns  and  their  counsellors  had  become 
so  perverted  that,  while  still  punishing  indi- 
vidual delinquents,  they  had  worked  out  for  their 
own  guidance,  a  complete  system  of  government 
by  assassination. 

Fernando  Cortes  was  untainted  by  the  cynical 
paganism  of  the  Italian  Renaissance  and  had 
probably  never  read  a  line  of  Macchiavelli,  nor 
had  he  been  trained  in  his  school  of  political 
ethics,  but  he  was  essentially  a  man  of  his  times. 
Orthodox  and  absolute  as  were  his  religious  be- 
liefs, the  intermittent  character  of  their  in- 
fluence on  his  moral  conduct  is  but  too  obvious, 
but,  though  he  failed  to  live  according  to  the 
precepts  of  his  religion,  nobody  can  doubt  that 
he  would  have  died  in  defence  of  it.  Indifferent 
to  obstacles,  he  faced  the  dangers  and  con- 
sequences of  undertakings  that  could  have 
courted  none  save  an  imperial  spirit.  His  am- 
bition was  restrained  by  a  single  fetter — his 
loyalty;  the  unanswerable  refutation  of  the  oft- 
repeated  accusation  that  he  aspired  to  inde- 
pendence, is  the  fact  that  he  did  not  assume 
the  independent  sovereignty  and  royal  crown  « 


viii 


Preface 


that  were  his  to  take  in  Mexico.  There  was, 
as  yet,  no  adequate  comprehension  in  Spain  of 
the  importance  of  the  newly  discovered  coun- 
try; its  extent,  its  resources,  and  even  its 
whereabouts,  were  first  reported  by  Cortes  him- 
self in  his  letters  to  Charles  V.,  whose  attention 
was  absorbed  by  pressing  affairs  in  Germany 
and  Italy.  The  long  Italian  wars  that  ended 
with  the  capture  of  Francis  I.  at  Pavia  were 
followed  by  the  campaign  against  Rome,  in 
which  His  Most  Catholic  Majesty  employed 
Lutheran  Lanzknechts  to  sack  the  papal  capital 
in  1527,  while  during  all  this  period,  the  rising 
tide  of  the  Reformation  engrossed  the  Emperor's 
attention  to  the  exclusion  of  conquests  in  a 
distant  hemisphere,  by  an  unknown  soldier  of 
fortune. 

Twenty-five  years  had  elapsed  since  the  dis- 
covery of  a  group  of  islands  in  the  Western 
ocean  had  brought  disillusion  and  disappoint- 
ment to  Spain;  it  was  the  conquest  of  Mexico 
by  Cortes  that  first  made  known  the  importance 
of  the  New  World  and  brought  America  within 
the  sphere  of  European  politics.  His  was  the 
original  conception  of  a  colonial  empire,  and 
the  plans  and  proposals  for  the  extension  of 
Spanish  supremacy,  outlined  in  his  letters  to  the 
Emperor,  were  worthy  of  more  attention  than 
they  received. 

After  his  thinly  veiled  defiance  of  Diego 
Velasquez,  the  sailing  of  the  fleet  from  Cuba 


Preface 


ix 


was  a  leap  into  the  void.  Montezuma's  em- 
bassy, bearing  rich  gifts,  disclosed  the  possi- 
bilities of  the  Hinterland  and  germinated  in 
the  brain  of  Cortes  the  idea  of  conquest.  One 
revelation  was  confirmed  by  another  and,  as  the 
evidences  of  Aztec  wealth  multiplied,  the  proofs 
of  internal  disaffection  throughout  the  empire 
stimulated  the  confidence  of  the  brooding  con- 
queror. Disloyalty  amongst  the  Totonacs, 
treachery  that  only  awaited  an  opportunity  in 
Texcoco,  an  ancient  tradition  of  hate  in  Tlas- 
cala,  and  the  superstition  that  obscured  the 
judgment  and  paralysed  the  action  of  the  des- 
potic ruler — these  were  the  materials  from 
which  the  astute  invader  evolved  the  machinery 
for  his  conquest.  Starting  as  the  captain  of 
a  trading  expedition  sent  by  the  governor  of 
Cuba  to  barter  Spanish  beads  for  Indian  gold, 
Cortes  transformed  himself  into  a  military 
commander,  self-endowed  with  the  mission  of 
extending  his  sovereign's  possessions  and  of 
converting  the  heathen. 

He  played  a  dangerous  game  of  diplomacy 
with  Montezuma  and  completely  outwitted  him, 
tricking  and  deceiving  that  unfortunate  ruler, 
and  finally  dethroning  him  and  sending  him  to 
his  death.  He  kept  no  faith  with  Quauhte- 
motzin,  but  delivered  him  to  torture,  and, 
finally,  on  paltry  evidence,  he  hanged  him  in  a 
remote  wilderness;  but  when  the  greatest  kings 
of  Europe  were  no  more  bound  by  the  articles 


X 


Preface 


of  a  signed  treaty  than  by  the  phrases  of  a 
compliment,  and  when  it  was  an  accepted 
maxim  that  no  agreement  hurtful  to  religion 
or  to  the  State  was  binding,  how  shall  we  con- 
demn this  soldier  of  fortune  for  conforming  to 
the  accepted  usage  of  his  age? 

Bearing  in  mind  the  complete  divorce  that 
seemed  to  exist  between  morals  and  politics, 
between  the  private  belief  and  the  public  con- 
duct of  the  men  who  ruled  Europe  in  that  cen- 
tury, we  may  realise  the  injustice  of  measuring 
the  life  and  actions  of  Cortes  by  other  standards 
than  those  with  which  he  was  familiar. 

Despite  the  casuistry  that  guided  the  policy 
of  governments,  it  must  not  be  assumed  that 
the  higher  conscience  of  Christendom  was  either 
dormant  or  voiceless.  The  Spanish  sovereigns 
displayed  sincere  and  unfailing  solicitude  for 
the  spiritual  and  material  welfare  of  the  Ameri- 
can Indians.  Cardinal  Ximenez  de  Cisneros  was 
the  first  statesman  to  make  the  amelioration  of 
their  condition  a  matter  of  government  policy, 
and  the  Flemish  counsellors  of  the  young  king 
rendered  effective  many  of  the  provisions  of 
the  deceased*  regent.  Dominican  monks,  cap- 
tained by  the  redoubtable  Las  Casas,  who  denied 
the  right  of  the  Spaniards  to  invade  American 
territory,  or  to  rule  the  natives  without  their 
consent,  led  a  vigorous  crusade  in  defence  of 
the  individual  and  collective  liberty  of  the  In- 
dians, and  in  this  they  were  sustained  by  the 


Preface 


XI 


universities  of  Salamanca  and  Alcala.  The 
Franciscan  community  in  the  city  of  Mexico 
wrote  to  Charles  V.,  declaring  that  it  were 
better  if  never  an  Indian  were  converted  to 
Christianity,  and  never  a  foot  of  American  soil 
were  acquired  for  the  Spanish  crown,  than  that 
these  results  should  be  accomplished  by  the  in- 
human methods  then  in  operation.  Popes,  such 
as  Adrian  VI.  and  Paul  III.,  condemned  the 
systems  of  slavery  established  in  the  new  colo- 
nies, and  an  entire  hierarchy  of  bishops  and 
priests  excommunicated  refractory  colonists 
who  refused  to  release  their  illegally  held  and 
cruelly  treated  serfs. 

Cortes  extended  toleration  rather  than  ap- 
proval to  the  institution  of  slavery;  yielding  to 
necessity,  he  recompensed  his  followers  with 
encomiendas  of  Indians  in  the  absence  of  any 
other  provision  by  the  crown  to  requite  their 
services,  but,  in  his  testament,  he  records  his 
grave  doubts  of  the  equity  or  wisdom  of  en- 
slaving the  Indians  and  enjoins  his  son  to 
liberate  his  slaves  and  to  make  them  full  res- 
titution if  justice  so  demands.  The  relentless 
measures  he  employed  or  countenanced  to  effect 
his  conquest,  were  abandoned  when  the  neces- 
sity for  using  them  ceased.  The  conquest 
achieved,  the  qualities  of  Cortes  as  an  organiser, 
a  legislator,  and  a  ruler  wTere  called  into  play 
and,  though  the  story  of  the  reconstruction 
period  may  seem  tame  reading  after  the  drama- 


xii 


Preface 


tic  scenes  of  the  great  struggle,  his  sagacity,  his 
foresight,  and  his  moderation  have  caused  criti- 
cal historians  to  rank  him  higher  as  a  statesman 
than  as  a  soldier.  In  virtue  of  his  pre-eminent 
qualities  both  as  statesman  and  general,  as  well 
as  because  of  the  enduring  importance  of  his  con- 
quest Fernando  Cortes  occupies  an  uncontested 
place  amongst  the  heroes  of  the  nations. 

F.  A.  McN. 

Schloss  Ratzotz,  Tyrol, 
June,  1908. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

TO  THE  BEGINNING  OP  THE  CONQUEST 

Family — Early  Years — First  Voyage — Colonial 
Life — Quarrel  with  Velasquez — Battle  of 
Ceutla — Palm  Sunday. 

CHAPTER  II 

MONTEZUMA  AND  HIS  EMPIRE     ....  43 

The  Aztec  Empire — Origines — Civilisation — In- 
stitutions— Montezuma — Quetzalcoatl. 

CHAPTER  III 

ALLIES  OP  THE  SPANIARDS  68 

Arrival  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua — Marina — Em- 
bassies from  Montezuma — Founding  of  Vera 
Cruz — At  Cempoalla — Missionary  Methods. 

CHAPTER  IV 

THE -DESTRUCTION  OP  THE  SHIPS  .  .  .  104 

Letters  to  Charles  V. — The  Velasquez  Faction- 
Destruction  of  the  Ships — The  March  to  Mex- 
ico— The  Republic  of  Tlascala. 

CHAPTER  V 

THE  SPANISH-TLASCALAN  ALLIANCE     .  .  .  127 

The  Senate  of  Tlascala — Spanish  Victories — 
Cruel  Treatment  of  Spies — The  Alliance — Ef- 
fect on  Montezuma — Cortes  in  Tlascala. 

xiii 


PAGE 

1 


XIV 


Contents 


CHAPTER  VI  PAGE 
THE  CHOLULAN  CONSPIRACY  AND  MASSACRE         .  155 
Events     in     Tlascala — The     Cholulans — Their 
Treachery — The     Massacre — Justification  of 
Cortes — Description  of  Cholula — Popocatapetl. 


CHAPTER  VII 

IN  THE  AZTEC   CAPITAL  174 

Approach  to  Mexico— On  the  Causeway — Meet- 
ing with  Montezuma — Montezuma's  Discourse — 
The  Marketplace — Temple  of  Tlatelolco — • 
Seizure  of  Montezuma — Perfidy  of  Cortes. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

MONTEZUMA  A  PRISONER  204 

Quauhpopoca — Acolhuagan — Vassalage  of  Mon- 
tezuma— The  Great  Temple — The  Idols  Over- 
thrown— Montezuma's  Warning — The  Arrival 
of  a  Fleet. 

CHAPTER  IX 

CORTES  DEFEATS  NARVAEZ  223 

Arrival  of  the  Envoys  in  Spain — Velasquez  and  . 
the    Audiencia — Landing    of    Narvaez — His 
Policy — Negotiations    with     Narvaez — Cortes 
Leaves  Mexico — The  Attack — After  the  Vic- 
tory. 

CHAPTER  X 

REVOLT  OP  MEXICO  243 

Ravages  of  Smallpox — News  of  the   Revolt — 
Feast   of   Toxcatl — Alvarado's  Folly — Cortes 


Contents 


XV 


PAGE 

Returns  to  Mexico — Release  of  Cuitlahuatzin — 
Intervention  of  Montezuma — Hard  Fighting — 
Decision  to  Retreat — Death  of  Montezuma. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  SORROWFUL  NIGHT       .         .         .         .         .  272 
Saving  the  Treasure— The  Retreat  from  Mexico 
— The  Survivors — Battle  of  Otumba — Arrival 
in  Tlascala. 


CHAPTER  XII 

REINFORCEMENTS  AND  A  NEW  CAMPAIGN  .  .  292 
Montezuma's  Successor — Campaigning  in  Tepe- 
aca — Founding  of  Segura  de  la  Frontera — 
Reinforcements — Second  Letter  of  Relation — 
Death  of  Maxixcatzin — The  Brigantines — Or- 
dinances— Headquarters  at  Texcoco. 

CHAPTER  XIII 

BACK  TO  THE  CAPITAL  312 

Destruction  of  Iztapalapan — Quauhtemotzin — 
First  Expedition  to  Chalco — Arrival  of  the 
Convoy — Fall  of  Tlacopan — Death  of  Fon- 
seca — Second  Expedition  to  Chalco — Capture 
of  Cuernavaca — Rescue  of  Cortes — Spanish 
Losses. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE   SIEGE   OF   THE   IMPERIAL   CITY    .  .  .  332 

Action  of  the  Audiencia — Conspiracy  of  Villa- 
fana — Launching    the    Brigantines— Division 


xvi 


Contents 


of  the  Forces — Fate  of  Xicotencatl — The 
Aqueduct — The  Siege — First  Naval  Engage- 
ment— First  Assault. 

CHAPTER  XV 

THE  PALL  OF  THE  AZTEC  EMPIRE       .         .  .  352 

Progress  of  the  Siege — Aztec  Victories — Attack 
on  Tlatelolco — The  Great  Disaster — Sotelo's 
Catapult — Last  Days — Quauhtemotzin  Cap- 
tured and  Tortured — The  Victory  and  the 
Losses — Fruits  of  Conquest. 

CHAPTER  XVI 

RECONSTRUCTION  382 

Position  of  Cortes — The  Great  Strait — Rebuild- 
ing Mexico — Cristobal  de  Tapia,  Francisco  de 
Garay  and  Sandoval  in  Panuco — The  Silver 
Cannon — Rebellion  of  Olid — Expedition  to 
Yucatan — Death  of  Quauhtemotzin — Return  to 
Mexico. 

CHAPTER  XVII 

CLOSING    SCENES  TRIUMPHS    AND  DISAPPOINT- 
MENTS THE  DEATH  OF  CORTES         .  .  418 

The  Home-Coming — Dignities  and  Privileges — 
Second  Marriage — Nunez  de  Guzman — Arrival 
in  Vera  Cruz — Marquisate  of  Oaxaca — The 
South  Sea — Return  to  Spain — Voltaire's  Le- 
gend— Death  of  Cortes — Burial  of  Cortes — 
Funeral  in  Mexico — Last  Resting  Place — The 
Palermo  Legend. 


Contents  xvii 

CHAPTER  XVIII  PAGE 
THE   MAN    ........  440 

Appearance  and  Habits  of  Cortes — Comparison 
with  Caesar — His  Piety — Alleged  Cruelty — His 
Morals — Judgment  of  Slavery — Conclusion. 


INDEX 


463 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

portrait  of  cortes  .       .       .  Frontispiece 
From  an  engraving  by  Ferdin  Selma  after  the 
painting  attributed  to  Titian. 

CORTES  vi 

From  the  portrait  in  the  Jesus  Hospital  in  the 
city  of  Mexico. 

DIEGO   VELASQUEZ  9 

Facsimile  of  an  engraving  in  Herrera,  vol.  i., 
p.  298. 

CORTES'S  VOYAGE  TO   MEXICO       ....  28 

Reproduced  from  Help's  Spanish  Conquest. 

MEXICO  BEFORE  THE  CONQUEST  .  .  .  .  50 

From  Cortes's  Letters,  published  in  1524. 

MEXICAN  CALENDAR  STONE  ....  56 
MONTEZUMA  60 

From  an  illustration  in  Montanius  and  Ogilby. 

PLAN  OF   MEXICO  TENOCHTITLAN         ...  80 
From  Conquista  de  Mexico,  by  Orozco  y  Berra. 
xix 


XX 


Illustrations 


PAGE 

THE  FLEET  OP  CORTES  .....  104 

From  de  Solis's  Conquete  du  Mexique,  vol.  i.,  p. 
44. 

PORTRAIT  OF  CORTES  146 

From  a  picture  in  the  Mexican  Historical  So- 
ciety's Gallery. 

SACRIFICIAL  STONE  212 

From  Bandelier's  Archaeological  Tour. 

CHARLES  V. — 1519  224 

From  an  old  painting. 

DON   PEDRO   DE   ALVARADO  244 

From  Herrera,  vol.  ii.,  p.  274. 

PLAN  OF  MEXICO  CITY  348 

From   The  Conquest  of  Mexico,  by   Diaz  del 
Castillo.    Translated  by  Maurice  Keatinge. 

SANDOVAL  394 

From  an  engraving  in  Herrera,  vol.  ii.,  p.  32. 

PORTRAIT  OF  CORTES    ......  420 

From  a  copper  print  of  1715. 

CORTES   AND   HIS   ARMS  441 

From  Vega's  Cortes  Valeroso  (1588). 


Illustrations 


XXI 


PAGE 

MAP   OP    THE    SOUTH    SEA    AND    THE    GULP  OF 

CALIFORNIA  450 

ARMOUR  OF  CORTES  460 

After  an  engraving  from  the  original  in  the 
Museum  at  Madrid. 

MAP  OF  MEXICO  At  End 


FERNANDO  CORTES 


I 


FERNANDO  CORTES 


CHAPTER  I 


TO  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONQUEST 

Family — Early    Years — First    Voyage — Colonial    Life — 
Quarrel    with    Velasquez — Battle    of    Ceutla — Palm 


ERNANDO  CORTES  was  born  in  the  un- 


1  important  town  of  Medellin  in  Estrama- 
dura,  in  the  year  1485.  His  father,  Martin 
Cortes  y  Monroy,  had  served  as  a  captain  of 
fifty  light  cavalry,  and  both  he  and  his  wife, 
Catalina  Pizarro  Altamirano,  belonged  to  fam- 
ilies which  ranked  among  the  provincial  no- 
bility.1 The  efforts  of  Argensola  and  other 
ingenious  genealogists  to  trace  for  Cortes  an 
illustrious  ancestry,  reaching  back  even  to  the 
kings  of  Lombard  and  Tuscany,  are  not  very 
convincing,  nor  do  they  seem  important  in  the 

1  The  unknown  author  of  the  early  chronicle  De  Rebus 
Gestis  thus  describes  Martin  Cortes:  "pietate  tamen  et 
religione  toto  vitas  tempore  clarus."  And  to  his  wife 
Caterina  he  pays  the  tribute :  "  Caterina  namque  pudi- 
citia  et  in  conjugem  amove  nulli  setatis  suss  feminse 
cessit"  Las  Casas,  who  was  no  admirer  of  the  conqueror, 
states  that  he  had  known  his  father  who  was  a  cristiano 
viejo  and  a  gentleman,  though  poor  (lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxvii.). 


Sunday 


i 


^  ;  I  iFernando  Cortes 

case  of  one?  Who  rose  from  obscure,  but  reputable 
beginnings,  without  the  aid  of  family  influence 
or  superior  fortune.1  The  house  in  which  the 
future  conqueror  of  Mexico  was  born,  stood  in 
the  Calle  de  la  Feria  until  it  was  destroyed 
by  the  French  during  the  campaign  of  1809. 2 

The  infancy  of  the  man,  whose  powers  of  en- 
durance carried  him  through  a  life  of  extra- 
ordinary hardships  and  ceaseless  activity,  was 
that  of  a  puling,  delicate  child,  whose  parents 
despaired  of  raising  him  to  manhood.  Lots 
were  cast  to  determine  which  one  of  the  twelve 
apostles  should  be  his  patron  saint.3  In  this 
manner  St.  Peter  was  chosen,  and  to  his  patron's 
favour  Cortes  ascribed  the  preservation  of  his 
life  on  several  critical  occasions,  and  the  suc- 
cess of  his  most  hazardous  undertakings.  When 
their  son  was  fourteen  years  old,  his  parents 
sent  him  to  the  University  of  Salamanca  to 
prepare  himself  for  the  practice  of  law,  a  pro- 
fession that  was  held  in  high  esteem,  and  one 
that  opened  a  promising  career  to  a  young  man 
of  ability.  During  his  two  years  at  the  Uni- 
versity, he  lodged  in  the  house  of  his  paternal 
aunt,  Inez  de  Paz,  who  was  married  to  Fran- 
cisco Nunez  de  Varela,  a  citizen  of  Salamanca. 
Las  Casas  affirms  that  Cortes  took  his  degree 

1Anales  de  Aragon  (1630),  pp.  621-625.  Caro  de 
Torres,  Historia  de  las  Or  dines  Militares  (1629)  p.  103. 

2  Alaman,  Disertaciones,  dissert,  v. 

3  Alaman,  Disertaciones  sobre  la  Historia  de  la  Republica 
Mexicana}  dissert,  v. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  3 


as  bachelor  of  laws,  and  had  a  good  knowledge 
of  Latin. 1  Doubtless  a  youth  of  his  acquisitive 
mind  profited  greatly  hy  two  years  of  life  in 
the  University,  but  he  discovered  no  aptitude 
for  the  study  of  law,  and  but  little  inclination 
to  serious  study  of  any  kind.  His  taste  was  for 
arms  and  a  life  of  adventure.  He  caused  his 
parents  the  liveliest  chagrin  by  abandoning 
the  career  they  had  chosen  for  him,  and,  on 
his  return  to  Medellin,  he  further  increased 
their  anxieties  by  disorderly  living.  His  ambi- 
tion was  tp  take  service  under  Gonzalvo  de 
Cordoba,  the  great  captain  amongst  the  mili- 
tary leaders  of  the  time,  but,  renouncing  this 
plan,  he  joined  the  expedition  of  Don  Nicolas 
de  Ovando,  the  recently  appointed  governor  of 
Hispaniola,  who  was  preparing  to  sail  with  an 
important  fleet  of  thirty  ships  to  assume  the 
duties  of  his  high  office.  Cortes  was  moved  to 
this  decision  by  the  fact  that  Ovando  was  a 
friend  of  his  family,  and  might  be  counted  upon 
to  advance  his  interests  in  the  colony. 

Almost  on  the  eve  of  sailing,  Cortes  fell  from 
a  wall  he  was  scaling  to  keep  an  amorous  tryst 
with  a  lady,  and,  but  for  the  timely  intervention 
of  an  old  woman,  whose  attention  was  attracted 
by  the  noise  of  his  fall  almost  at  her  very  door/ 
this  accident  might  have  ended  fatally.  The 
dame  arrived,  just  in  time  to  prevent  her  son- 
in-law  from  running  the  prostrate  youth  through 

1  Hist,  General,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxvii. 


4 


Fernando  Cortes 


the  body  with  his  sword. 1  As  it  was,  he  escaped 
with  bruises  of  sufficient  gravity  to  keep  him 
in  bed  until  after  Ovando's  fleet  had  sailed. 

Upon  his  recovery  he  reverted  to  his  original 
project  of  enlisting  in  Italy,  and,  with  that  in- 
tention, he  set  out  for  Valencia.  What  defeated 
his  purpose  is  not  recorded,  but  after  a  year  of 
poverty  and  hardship  in  Valencia,  he  returned 
to  Medellin  where  his  parents,  rendered  despe- 
rate by  the  vagaries  of  their  wayward  son,  were 
doubtless  glad  to  furnish  him  the  necessary 
money  to  enable  him  to  follow  Ovando  to 
Hispaniola. 

He  sailed  from  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda  in 
1504,  on  board  the  trading  vessel  of  Alonso  Quin- 
tero  of  Palos,  bound  with  four  others,  laden 
with  merchandise  for  the  Indies.  The  little 
fleet  followed  the  usual  route  by  way  of  the 
Canary  Islands,  touching  first  at  Gomera. 
Alonso  Quintero  twice  sought  to  detach  himself 
from  his  fellow-captains  in  order  to  reach  port 
ahead  of  them,  and  dispose  of  his  cargo  at 
greater  advantage  without  their  competition. 
Both  times  he  was  thwarted  by  untoward 
weather,  and  the  second  time  his  pilot,  Fran- 
cisco Nino,  lost  his  bearings,  and  the  storm- 
tossed  ship,  short  of  provisions  and  water,  was 
in  imminent  peril.  On  Good  Friday,  when  hope 
seemed  vain,  a  dove  was  seen  to  perch  in  the 

1  De  Rebus  Gestis  Fernandi  Cortesi,  in  Icazbalceta, 
torn.  i. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  5 


ship's  rigging,  and,  by  following  the  flight  of 
this  bird  of  good  omen  when  it  took  wing,  land 
was  sighted  by  Cristobal  Zorro  on  Easter 
day,  and  four  days  later  the  vessel  reached  the 
port  of  Santo  Domingo,  where  the  other  three 
had  long  since  arrived  and  disposed  of  their 
cargoes. 

The  appearance  of  the  dove  was  afterwards 
interpreted  by  some  of  the  earlier  biographers 
of  Cortes  as  a  manifestation  of  the  divine 
guidance  or  as  an  augury  for  his  future.  There 
were  even  some  who  at  the  time  thought  they 
recognised  an  apparition  of  the  Holy  Ghost.1 
Don  Nicolas  de  Ovando  was  absent  from  Santo 
Domingo  when  Cortes  arrived,  but  his  secretary, 
Medina,  was  an  old  friend  of  the  latter's,  and 
gave  him  hospitality  in  his  house,  informing 
him  of  the  conditions  of  life  in  the  colony,  and 
advising  him  to  settle  near  the  town.  To 
settle  anywhere  was  no  part  of  his  plan, 
and  he  explained  to  the  friendly  secretary  that 
he  had  come  to  obtain  gold,  not  to  till  the  soil. 
He  stayed  but  a  short  time  in  the  settlement 
and  left  in  search  of  the  coveted  gold,  but  as 
soon  as  the  governor  returned  and  learned  of 
his  presence,  he  sent  for  him  and  showed  him 
much  favour.  Shortly  afterwards,  Cortes  took 
part  in  the  subjugation  of  the  provinces  of 

1  De  Rebus  Gestis:  "Alius,  Sanctum  esse  Spiritum, 
qui  in  illius  alitis  specie,  ut  maestos  et  afflictos  solaretur, 
venire  erat  dignatus." 


6  Fernando  Cortes 


Higuey,  Aniguayagua,  and  Baoruca,  where  the 
natives,  goaded  to  desperation  by  the  inhuman 
cruelties  practised  upon  them,  had  finally  risen 
under  the  Queen  Anacoana.  Diego  Velasquez, 
a  native  of  Cuellar,  who  had  seen  seventeen 
years  of  military  service  in  Spain,  was  put  in 
command  of  the  operations,  which  were  brief 
and  successful,  since  the  Indians  possessed  no 
arms  worthy  of  the  name  and  were  by  nature 
a  timid  people,  entirely  ignorant  of  warfare.1 
Cortes  received  as  his  share  of  the  spoils,  a 
repartimiento  of  Indians  at  Daiguao,  and  was 
appointed  notary  of  the  recently  founded  town 
of  Azua.  The  ensuing  five  or  six  years  of  his 
life  were  devoid  of  any  salient  event,  though 
Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  states  that  he  was 
several  times  involved  in  quarrels  about  women, 
which  led  to  duels,  in  one  of  which  he  received 
a  wound  in  the  lip,  which  left  a  scar  ever 
afterwards.2  He  was  fortunately  prevented  by 
an  abscess  or  swelling  on  his  knee,  from  join- 
ing the  disastrous  expedition  of  Alonso  de 
Ojeda  and  Diego  de  Nicuesa  to  Darien.  Don 
Nicolas  de  Ovando  had  meanwhile  been  suc- 
ceeded in  office  by  Diego  Columbus,  son  of  the 
Admiral,  who,  in  1511,  fitted  out  an  expedition 
for  the  conquest  of  Cuba,  which  he  placed  under 
the  command  of  Diego  Velasquez,  and  in  which 
Cortes  volunteered.    This  expedition  consisted 

1  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  iii. 

2  Historia  Verdadera,  cap.  civ. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  7 


of  three  hundred  men,  but  so  weak  was  the 
resistance  of  the  pacific  natives,  that  the  con- 
quest of  the  island  was  effected  almost  without 
a  struggle.  Only  one  chief  in  the  province  of 
Mayci  attempted  to  dispute  the  landing  of  the 
invaders,  and  he  was  quickly  overcome  and 
captured.  This  man,  Hatuey  by  name,  was 
sentenced  to  be  burned  as  a  "  rebel/'  and  when 
the  cruel  sentence  was  about  to  be  carried  out, 
a  Franciscan  friar  approached  him,  exhorting 
him  to  receive  baptism  and  thus  ensure  his  soul 
going  to  heaven.  The  chief  asked  if  there  would 
be  Spaniards  in  heaven,  to  which  the  friar  an- 
swered that  all  hoped  to  go  there.  The  chief 
replied  that  then  he  would  rather  not.  They 
burned,  but  could  not  convert  him,1  and  thus 
ended  an  inglorious  campaign,  prompted  by 
cupidity,  conducted  with  revolting  inhumanity, 
and  resulting  in  the  speedy  extermination  of 
the  vanquished  and  the  perpetual  dishonour  of 
the  victors.  The  conduct  of  Cortes,  during  this 
campaign,  advanced  his  interests  in  every 
respect,  for  his  genial  manners  and  lively  con- 
versation made  him  a  favourite  among  his  com- 
panions, while  his  bravery  and  address  acquired 
him  a  good  reputation  as  a  soldier  and  won  the 
friendship  of  his  commander.  Such  expeditions 
afforded  but  scanty  opportunity  to  the  men  of 
the  invading  force  to  display  their  prowess,  for 

1  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxv. ; 
Brevissima  Relation,  p.  27. 


8 


Fernando  Cortes 


the  several  native  tribes  were  subdued,  after  the 
barest  semblance  of  serious  military  operations. 
Yet  such  mild  warfare  and  the  equally  nerve- 
less encounters  with  the  natives  in  Hispaniola, 
afforded  Cortes  the  only  military  training  he 
ever  received.  The  skill  he  afterwards  displayed 
as  a  tactician,  and  his  masterly  generalship, 
were  derived  from  his  latent  genius  for  com- 
mand, which  sprang,  full-fledged,  into  con- 
sciousness, in  response  to  the  first  demand  made 
upon  it. 

In  recognition  of  his  services  in  Cuba,  Cortes 
received  an  encomienda  of  Indians  at  Manicaro 
which  he  held  in  partnership  with  Juan  Xuarez. 
He  became  a  citizen  of  Santiago  de  Baracoa, 
and  was  successful,  not  only  in  his  agricultural 
ventures,  but  also  in  his  search  for  gold,  in 
which  he  employed  a  number  of  his  Indians.1 
During  the  first  years  of  the  residence  of 
Cortes  in  Cuba,  it  may  be  assumed  that  he 
attended  to  his  interests  and  enjoyed  consider- 
able popularity  among  his  fellow-colonists  as 
well  as  the  favour  of  the  Governor,  Diego  Velas- 
quez, who  extended  a  protecting  friendship  to 
him,  such  as  an  older  man  of  high  rank  might 
naturally  feel  for  one  of  the  most  promising 
young  men  among  his  colonists.  As  the  changes 
which  the  relations  between  these  two  men  un- 
derwent, were  far-reaching  in  their  effects,  and 
worked  powerfully  upon  the  course  of  events 

1  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  iv. ;  De  Rebus  Gestis. 


At  lantado  DON  JDIEtp,  Vl^ASQp^S 
cellar  Ancor  r{ el  desc^Srtriu&nt® 
a  i'  uti  e*/ a  Ej pa  it  a  * 

DIEGO  VELASQUEZ 
FACSIMILE  OF  AN  ENGRAVING  IN  HERRERA,  VOL.  I.,  PAGE  298 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  9 

in  the  New  World,  it  is  necessary,  before  going 
farther,  to  consider  somewhat  the  character  of 
Diego  Velasquez,  and  the  causes  which  brought 
about  the  breach  of  their  friendship.  Velasquez 
was  of  noble  family,  and,  though  arriving  in  the 
Indies  poor,  had  there  accumulated  an  ample 
fortune.  He  had  the  habit  of  command,  which,  as 
governor  of  Cuba,  he  exercised  with  the  scarcely 
restricted  and  arbitrary  freedom  his  own  tem- 
perament dictated  and  the  usage  amongst 
Spanish  colonial  governors  sanctioned.  With 
all  this  he  was  amiable,  accessible,  and  fond  of 
dispensing  favours.  Prescott  estimates  him  as 
one  of  these  captious  persons  who  "  when  things 
do  not  go  exactly  to  their  taste,  shift  the  re- 
sponsibility from  their  shoulders,  where  it  should 
lie,  to  those  of  others,"  and  Herrera  describes 
him  as  "  ungenerous,  credulous,  and  suspicious !  " 
Fray  Bartholomew  de  Las  Casas,  who  knew  him 
personally  in  Cuba,  gives  more  place  to  his  vir- 
tues in  the  description  he  has  left  of  him,  than 
do  some  others;  while  admitting  that  he  was 
quick  to  resent  a  liberty,  jealous  of  his  dignity, 
too  ready  to  take  offence,  he  adds  that  he  was 
neither  vindictive  nor  slow  to  forgive.  As  an 
administrator  of  the  affairs  of  the  island,  he 
showed  himself  active  and  capable,  encouraging 
immigration,  assisting  the  colonists,  and  extend- 
ing the  zone  of  Spanish  influence.  It  appears 
therefore  that  his  rather  petty  defects  of  char- 
acter did  not  usually  interfere  with  his  public 


io  Fernando  Cortes 


conduct,  and  that  he  discharged  his  official 
duties  satisfactorily  to  the  colonists  and  as  a 
faithful  representative  of  the  crown.  He  was, 
however,  unquestionably  avaricious,  egotistical, 
and  ambitious,  and  withal  no  easy  master  to 
serve.  Commenting  on  the  reproaches  he  after- 
wards heaped  upon  Cortes  for  his  ingratitude 
towTards  him,  Oviedo  says  that  it  was  no  whit 
worse  than  his  own  had  been  towards  his  bene- 
factor, Diego  Columbus,  and  hence  it  was  "  meas- 
ure for  measure."  His  desire  to  explore  by 
deputy,  and  to  win  distinction  vicariously,  was 
defeated  by  the  impossibility  of  finding  men  pos- 
sessed of  the  required  ability  to  undertake  succes- 
fully  such  ventures,  combined  with  sufficient  do- 
cility to  surrender  to  him  the  glory  and  profits. 
The  two  fundamental  versions  of  the  historic 
quarrel  between  Cortes  and  Velasquez  are  con- 
tradictory. One  is  furnished  by  Gomara,  the 
other  by  Las  Casas,  and,  upon  one  or  the  other, 
later  historians  have  based  their  accounts.  The 
version  of  Las  Casas  is  that  of  an  eye-witness 
while  Gomara,  on  the  other  hand,  only  began  his 
Cronica  de  la  Conquista  some  twenty-five  years 
or  more  after  the  events  of  which  he  wrote,  and 
under  the  inspiration  and  direction  of  Cortes, 
then  Marques  del  Valle,  whose  chaplain  he  had 
shortly  before  become. 

Gomara's  chronicle  was  somewhat  of  an  apo- 
logia, and  it  no  sooner  appeared  than  its 
accuracy  and  veracity  were  impugned  by  partici- 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  n 

pants  in  the  events  he  described;  notably  by 
Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  whose  history  was 
undertaken  for  the  declared  purpose  of  correct- 
ing Gomara,  and  was  called  with  emphasis  the 
True  History  of  the  Conquest.  Gomara's  ac- 
count is  briefly  as  follows :  Cortes  at  that  time 
paid  court  to  Catalina  Xuarez  la  Marcaida,  one 
of  the  poor  but  beautiful  sisters  of  his  partner 
in  Manicaro,  Juan  Xuarez,  and  won  such  favours 
from  the  lady  as  entitled  her  to  exact  the  fulfil- 
ment of  a  promise  of  marriage,  which  she  de- 
clared he  had  made  her,  but  with  which  he 
refused  to  comply.  The  Xuarez  family  was  from 
Granada,  and  came  originally  in  the  suite  of 
Dona  Maria  de  Toledo,  wife  of  the  viceroy,  Don 
Diego  Columbus,  to  Hispaniola,  where  it  was 
hoped  the  four  girls,  whose  dowry  was  their 
beauty,  might  make  good  marriages  among  the 
rich  planters.  This  hope  was  not  realised  in 
Santo  Domingo,  and  they  removed  to  Cuba. 
Catalina,  the  eldest,  was  the  most  beautiful  of 
all,  and  had  many  admirers,  amongst  whom  her 
preference  fell  upon  Cortes,  who  was  ever  ready 
for  gallant  adventures.  TJie  matter  was  brought 
before  the  governor,  who  summoned  Cortes  ad 
audiendum  verbum,  influenced  in  Catalina's 
favour,  it  was  said,  by  one  of  her  sisters,  to 
whose  charms  he  himself  was  not  indifferent. 
In  spite  of  official  pressure,  Cortes  refused  to 
make  the  reparation  exacted  of  him.  Such 
high  words  followed  that  the  governor  ordered 


i2  Fernando  Cortes 


him  to  be  imprisoned  in  the  fortress  under  the 
charge  of  the  alcalde,  Cristobal  de  Lagos.  His 
imprisonment  was  brief,  for  he  managed  to  es- 
cape, carrying  off  the  sword  and  buckler  of  his 
gaoler,  and  to  take  sanctuary  in  a  church,  from 
which  neither  the  promises  nor  the  threats  of 
Velasquez  could  beguile  him.  One  day,  how- 
ever, when  he  unwarily  showed  himself  before 
the  church  door,  the  alguacil,  Juan  Escudero, 
seized  him  from  behind  and,  aided  by  others, 
carried  him  on  board  a  ship  lying  in  the 
harbour.  Cortes  feared  this  foreshadowed  trans- 
portation and,  setting  his  wits  to  work,  he  con- 
trived to  escape  a  second  time,  dressed  in  the 
clothes  of  a  servant,  who  attended  him.  He 
let  himself  down  into  a  small  skiff  and  pulled 
for  the  shore,  but  the  strength  of  the  current 
at  that  point,  where  the  waters  of  the  Maca- 
guanigua  River  flow  into  the  sea,  was  such,  that 
his  frail  craft  capsized,  and  he  reached  the 
shore  swimming,  with  certain  valuable  papers 
tied  in  a  packet  on  top  of  his  head.  He  then 
betook  himself  to  Juan  Xuarez,  from  whom 
he  procured  clothes  and  arms,  and  again  took 
sanctuary  in  the  church.  These  repeated  es- 
capes suggest  sympathetic  collusion  on  the  part 
of  his  gaolers. 

Velasquez  professed  to  be  won  over  by  such 
bravery  and  resource,  and  sent  mutual  friends 
to  make  peace.  But  Cortes,  although  he  mar- 
ried Catalina,  refused  the  governor's  overtures, 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  13 

and  would  not  even  speak  to  him,  until,  some 
Indian  troubles  breaking  out,  and  Velasquez 
being  at  his  headquarters  outside  the  town,  he 
somewhat  alarmed  the  governor  by  suddenly 
appearing  before  him  late  one  night,  fully 
armed,  saying  that  he  had  come  to  make  peace 
and  to  offer  his  services.  They  shook  hands 
and  spent  a  long  time  in  conversation  to- 
gether, and  slept  that  night  in  the  same 
bed,  where  they  were  found  next  morning  by 
Diego  de  Orellana,  who  came  to  announce  to 
the  governor  that  Cortes  had  fled  from  the 
church. 

Las  Casas  tells  a  different  tale,  in  which  no 
mention  is  made  of  the  refusal  to  marry  Cata- 
lina  Xuarez  as  having  any  part  in  the  quarrel, 
but  asserts  rather,  that  Cortes  was  secretary 
to  Velasquez,  and  that  the  news  of  the  arrival 
of  certain  appellate  judges  in  Hispaniola  having 
reached  Cuba,  all  the  malcontents  in  the  colony, 
and  those  disaffected  towards  Velasquez,  began 
secretly  to  collect  material  on  which  to  base 
accusations  against  him,  and  that  Cortes,  act- 
ing with  them,  had  been  chosen  to  carry  this 
information  to  the  judges.  The  governor  was 
informed  of  the  plot,  and  arrested  Cortes  in  the 
act  of  embarking  with  the  incriminating  papers 
in  his  possession,  and  would  have  ordered  him 
to  be  hanged  on  the  spot  but  for  the  interven- 
tion of  his  friends,  who  pleaded  for  him.  Las 
Casas  scouts  the  idea  of  any  such  reconciliation 


i4  Fernando  Cortes 


as  Gomara  describes,  and  says  that  the  governor, 
although  he  pardoned  him,  would  not  have  him 
back  as  secretary,  adding :  "  I  saw  Cortes  in 
those  days  so  small  and  humble  that  he  would 
have  craved  the  notice  of  the  meanest  servant 
of  Velasquez." 

The  wrath  of  Velasquez  was  short-lived,  for 
he  afterwards  made  Cortes  alcalde,  and  stood 
godfather  to  one  of  his  children.  During  the 
succeeding  years,  the  fortunes  of  Cortes  im- 
proved, and  he  amassed  a  capital  of  some  three 
thousand  castellanos  of  which  Las  Casas  re- 
marks :  "  God  will  have  kept  a  better  account 
than  I,  of  the  lives  it  cost."  Though  married 
reluctantly,  he  seems  to  have  been  contented, 
and  he  described  himself  to  the  bishop  as  just 
as  happy  with  Catalina  as  though  she  were  the 
daughter  of  a  duchess.1 

Gold  was  the  magnet  which  drew  the  Spanish 
adventurers  to  the  New  World,  and,  though  it 
had  nowhere  been  found  either  so  easily  or  so 
plentifully  as  they  expected,  enough  had  been 
discovered  to  whet  their  appetites  for  more. 
They  lived  in  the  midst  of  a  world  of  mysterious 
possibilities  which  might  any  day,  by  a  lucky 
discovery,  become  realities.  The  Spanish  settle- 
ments in  the  New  World  were,  at  that  time,  lim- 
ited to  the  islands  of  Hispaniola  (Hayti),  Cuba, 
Puerto  Eico,  and  Jamaica,  which  were  called 

1  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  xxvii. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  15 


the  "  Indies " 1  by  the  discoverers  and  con- 
querors, because  they  were  firmly  persuaded 
they  had  encircled  half  the  globe  and  reached 
the  Orient.  Besides  these  four  islands,  there 
was  the  colony  of  Darien.  Serious  projects 
for  colonisation  were  not  yet  conceived,  and 
what  settlements  there  were,  had  been  made 
by  disillusioned  immigrants,  who,  when  they 
found  that  gold  and  pearls,  instead  of  lying 
at  their  feet,  had  to  be  sought  as  elsewhere, 
with  hard  labour,  enslaved  the  natives  for 
the  exploitation  of  the  natural  resources  of  the 
islands.  Thus  the  slave  trade  sprang  up,  and, 
as  the  Indians,  unaccustomed  to  hard  work 
and  harsh  treatment  died  off  in  such  numbers 
as  to  rapidly  depopulate  the  neighbourhoods  of 
the  Spanish  settlements,  expeditions  were  con- 
stantly organised  to  the  neighbouring  islands 
for  the  purpose  of  capturing  the  natives.  The 
system  of  repartimientos  and  encomiendas 
was  begun  under  Columbus  and,  in  spite  of 
the  denunciation  of  the  Church  and  repeated 
edicts  of  the  home  government,  the  slave  trade 
flourished  and  the  island  population  rapidly 
dwindled. 

In  1517  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba,  a 
rich  planter  of  Cuba,  organised  and  equipped 
a  fleet  of  three  vessels  manned  in  part  by  some 

1  Commonly  referred  to  by  early  writers  as  the  Islands, 
in  contradistinction  to  the  settlements  established  later 
on  the  mainland. 


16  Fernando  Cortes 


of  the  survivors  of  the  first  colony  at  Darien, 
and  of  which  he  himself  took  command.  The 
principal  object  of  this  expedition  was  to  cap- 
ture Indians  to  be  sold  as  slaves  in  Cuba,  and 
the  governor  furnished  one  ship  on  condition 
that  he  should  be  reimbursed  in  slaves.1  The 
first  land  discovered  was  a  small  island  to  which 
was  given  the  name  of  Las  Mugeres  (Women's 
Island),  because  of  the  images  of  female  deities  2 
they  found  in  the  temple  there.  This  island 
lies  off  the  extreme  point  of  Yucatan,  and 
from  it,  the  Spaniards  saw,  what  seemed  to 
them,  a  large  and  important  city,  with  many 
towers  and  lofty  buildings,  to  which  they  gave 
the  fanciful  name  of  Grand  Cairo.  In  a  battle 
with  the  Indians  at  Catoche,  they  captured  two 
natives,  who  afterwards  became  Christians,  bap- 
tised under  the  names  of  Julian  and  Melchor, 
and  rendered  valuable  services  as  interpreters. 

Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba  died  a  few 
days  after  his  arrival  in  Cuba  from  the  wounds 
he  had  received  at  Catoche,  and  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  expedition  made  their  way  back  to 
Santiago  where  the  spoils  taken  from  the  tem- 
ples, the  specimens  of  gold,  the  two  strange 
Indians,  and  most  of  all,  the  marvellous  tales 
of  the  men,  served  to  excite  the  eager  cupidity 
of  the  colonists,  ever  ready  to  believe  that  El 
Dorado  was  found. 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  i. 

2  Statues  of  the  goddesses  Xchel,  Ixchebeliax,  and  others. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  17 


Diego  Velasquez  promptly  organised  an  ex- 
pedition to  follow  up  these  discoveries  and 
to  establish  trading  relations  with  the  natives, 
which  he  placed  under  the  command  of  his 
kinsman,  Juan  de  Grijalba.1  It  was  composed 
of  four  ships,  the  San  Sebastian,  La  Trinidad, 
Santiago,  and  Santa  Maria.  The  captains 
under  Grijalba  were  Francisco  de  Avila,  Pedro 
de  Alvarado,  and  Francisco  de  Montejo.2  This 
fleet  set  sail  on  May  1,  1518,  and  after  a  fair  voy- 
age, reached  the  island  of  Cozumel  on  May  3d.3 
Grijalba  visited  several  points  along  the  coast, 

1  He  was  a  native  of  Cuellar  who  came  as  a  lad  to 
Cuba. 

2  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  viii. ;  Oviedo,  lib.  xviii.,  cap.  viii.; 
Orozco  y  Berra,  vol.  iv.,  cap.  i. 

3  Itinerario  de  larmata  del  Rey  Cattolico,  in  Icaz- 
balceta's  Documentor  Ineditos,  vol.  i. 

Cozumel,  also  sometimes  called  Acuzamil  (ah-Cuzamil 
meaning  the  "  Swallows ")  was  discovered  on  the  feast 
of  the  Invention  of  the  Holy  Cross  and  hence  named  by 
him,  Santa  Cruz.  He  took  possession  in  the  name  of  the 
Spanish  sovereigns  and  of  Diego  Velasquez,  under  whose 
commission  the  expedition  had  sailed.  There  was  a  stone 
building  on  the  island,  having  a  square  tower  with  a  door 
in  each  of  its  four  sides.  Inside  this  were  idols,  palm 
branches,  and  bones,  which  the  Indians  said  were  those  of 
a  great  chief.  (Oviedo,  lib.  xvii.,  cap.  ix.)  The  tower  was 
surmounted  by  a  smaller  square  turret  which  was  reached 
by  an  outside  staircase.  Grijalba  hoisted  the  Spanish  flag 
on  this  turret  and  named  the  place  San  Juan  de  Puerta 
Latina.  The  chaplain,  Fray  Juan  Diaz  said  mass.  The 
inhabitants  seemed  poor,  and  what  gold  they  produced  was 
mostly  an  alloy  with  copper,  of  little  value,  which  the  In- 
dians called  guanin  and  prized  highly.  (Las  Casas,  lib. 
vii.,  cap.  lxvii.) 


1 8  Fernando  Cortes 


giving  Spanish  names  to  various  bays,  islands, 
rivers,  and  towns.  The  Tabasco  River,  of  which 
the  correct  Indian  name  seems  to  have  been 
Tabzcoob,  received  the  name  of  Grijalba.  On 
arriving  at  the  river  which  they  named  Banderas, 
because  of  the  numerous  Indians  carrying  white 
flags,  whom  they  saw  along  the  coast,  they  first 
heard  of  the  existence  of  Montezuma,  of  whom 
these  people  were  vassals,  and  by  whom  they  had 
been  ordered  to  keep  a  look  out  for  the  possible 
return  of  the  white  men,  whose  former  visit  had 
been  reported  to  the  emperor.  On  the  17th  of 
June,  a  landing  was  made  on  the  small  island, 
where  the  Spaniards  first  discovered  the  proofs 
that  human  sacrifices  and  cannibalism  were 
practised  by  the  natives,  for  they  found  there 
a  blood-stained  idol,  human  heads,  members, 
and  whole  bodies  with  the  breasts  cut  open  and 
the  hearts  gone.1  Grijalba  named  the  island  Isla 
de  los  Sacrificios. 


Cozumel  was  a  place  of  pilgrimage,  and  in  one  of  the 
great  temples  there  stood  a  hollow  terra-cotta  statue, 
called  Teel-Cuzam  (The  Swallow's  Feet),  in  which  a  priest 
placed  himself  to  give  oracular  answers  to  the  pilgrims. 
(Cogolludo,  Hist  de  Yucatan,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  vii.) 

1  This  practice  is  traced,  by  some  historians,  to  the  tribe 
of  the  Mexi,  which  descended  from  Tenoch,  son  of  Iztacmix- 
coatl,  the  progenitor  of  the  Nahoa  family,  but,  with  what 
justice,  does  not  clearly  appear,  as  this  people  may  have 
received  it  from  some  tribe  or  race  preceding,  or  allied, 
to  them.  Prisoners  taken  in  war  were  the  most  highly 
prized  victims,  but  failing  these,  or  for  the  celebration 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  19 


From  the  island  which  they  named  San  Juan 
de  Ulua  1  (from  the  word  Culua  which  they  im- 
perfectly caught  from  the  natives),  Grijalba 
sent  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  on  June  24th,  with  the 
San  Sebastian,  to  carry  the  results  of  his  trad- 


of  minor  festivals,  slaves  were  easily  bought,  or  were 
offered  by  their  owners  for  the  purpose.  Small  infants 
were  also  commonly  sold  by  their  mothers,  and  instances 
of  free-born  men  offering  themselves  as  victims,  for  one 
motive  or  another,  were  not  unknown.  The  victims  were 
frequently  drugged,  in  such  wise  that  they  went  un- 
consciously, or  even  willingly  to  the  altar.  If  a  great 
festival,  requiring  many,  and  choice  victims,  fell  in  a 
time  of  peace,  war  would  be  undertaken  upon  any  frivo- 
lous pretext,  in  order  to  procure  the  desired  offerings. 

The  warrior  who  had  captured  the  victim  in  battle 
would  not  eat  of  the  latter's  flesh,  as  a  sort  of  spiritual 
relationship  was  held  to  exist  between  them,  not  dis- 
similar to  that  of  a  sponsor  and  his  god-child  in  Chris- 
tian baptism,  or  even  closer,  for  the  flesh  of  the  victim 
was  considered  also  as  the  very  flesh  of  the  captor.  The 
eating  of  this  human  body  was  not  an  act  of  gluttonous 
cannibalism  alone,  but  was  believed  to  have  mystic  signi- 
ficance, the  flesh  having  undergone  some  mysterious  trans- 
mutation, by  virtue  of  the  sacrificial  rite,  and  to  be  really 
consecrated;  it  was  spoken  of  also,  as  the  "true  body"  of 
the  deity,  to  whom  it  was  offered,  and,  also,  as  the  "  food 
of  soul."  None  but  chiefs,  and  distinguished  persons,  spe- 
cially designated,  were  permitted  to  partake  of  the  sacra- 
mental feast,  which  was  celebrated  with  much  ceremony 
and  gravity.  If  the  victim  were  a  slave,  the  rites  were 
similar,  but  simpler. 

1  A  small  island  in  the  harbour  of  Vera  Cruz,  on  which 
the  Spaniards  afterwards  built  their  greatest  fortress  in 
America.  It  was  the  last  stronghold  over  which  the 
Spanish  flag  floated  in  Mexico. 


2o  Fernando  Cortes 


ing  operations  and  an  account  of  his  discoveries 
to  Diego  Velasquez,  and  to  ask  for  an  authorisa- 
tion to  colonise,  which  had  not  been  given  in 
his  original  instructions,  but  which  the  members 
of  the  expedition  exacted  should  now  be  done.1 
Diego  Velasquez  had  meanwhile  felt  some  im- 
patience, which  gradually  became  alarm,  at 
hearing  nothing  from  the  expedition,  so  he  sent 
Cristobal  de  Olid,  with  a  ship,  to  look  for  it. 
Olid  landed  also  at  Cozumel,  and  took  formal 
possession  by  right,  as  he  supposed,  of  discov- 
ery. After  coasting  about  for  some  time,  and 
finding  no  traces  of  Grijalba,  and  having  been 
obliged  to  cut  his  cables  in  a  storm  which  had 
lost  him  his  anchors,  he  returned  to  Cuba  to 
augment  the  uneasiness  of  the  governor.  At 
this  juncture,  however,  Alvarado  arrived  with 
the  treasure  and  Grijalba's  report  and,  without 
waiting  for  more  news,  Velasquez  set  about  pre- 
paring another  expedition.  He  sent  Juan  de 
Saucedo  to  Hispaniola  to  solicit  from  the  Jerony- 
mite  fathers 2  the  necessary  authority  for  his 

lLas  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indicts,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  cxii. 

2  Las  Casas  had  succeeded  by  the  moving  picture  he 
drew  of  the  cruelties  practised  by  the  colonists  on  the 
Indians,  in  interesting  Cardinal  Ximenez  de  Cisneros  in 
their  welfare.  The  Cardinal,  being  then  regent  of  Spain, 
pending  the  arrival  of  the  young  King  Charles  from 
Flanders,  appointed  a  commission  composed  of  three 
Jeronymite  friars  to  reside  in  Hispaniola  and  see  that 
the  recently  enacted  laws  for  the  protection  of  the  natives 
were  observed.    These  friars  were  not  governors  as  has 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  21 


undertaking,  whose  objects,  it  was  stated,  were 
to  look  for  Grijalba's  lost  armada,  which  might 
be  in  danger,  to  seek  for  Cristobal  de  Olid  (not- 
withstanding he  was  already  safely  returned), 
and  to  rescue  six  Spanish  captives  who  wTere  said 
to  be  prisoners  of  a  cacique  in  Yucatan.  On 
October  the  5th,  Grijalba  arrived  in  Cuba,  where 
he  was  coldly  received  by  the  governor,  who 
professed  himself  much  disappointed  at  the 
meagre  results  of  the  voyage,  and  criticised  the 
captain  severely  for  not  having  yielded  to  the 
wishes  of  his  companions  to  found  a  settlement 
on  the  newly  discovered  coast,  despite  his  own 
instructions  to  the  contrary. 

Several  names  were  under  consideration  for 
the  commandership  of  the  new  armada,  but  for 
different  reasons  one  after  the  other  was  ex- 
cluded, and  the  governor's  final  choice  fixed 
upon  Fernando  Cortes.1  This  selection  was  at- 
tributed to  the  influence  of  Amador  de  Lares, 
a  royal  official  of  astute  character  who  exercised 
a  certain  ascendency  over  Velasquez,  and  of 
Andres  de  Duero,  the  governor's  private  secre- 
tary, both  of  whom  Cortes  had  induced  by 
promises  of  a  generous  share  of  the  treasures 
that  might  be  discovered,  to  present  his  name 


been  stated  by  some  writers,  though  they  exercised  large 
powers  of  control  over  the  dealings  of  the  Spanish  colo- 
nists with  the  Indians.    Their  mission  was  only  partially 
successful  and  their  residence  in  the  Indies  was  brief. 
1  Las  Casas,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  civ.;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xix. 


22  Fernando  Cortes 


and  secure  his  appointment.  Since  both  Gri- 
jalba  and  Olid  were  safely  back  in  Cuba,  the 
only  one  of  the  three  reasons  first  advanced  for 
this  expedition  which  remained,  was  the  rescue 
of  the  Christian  captives  in  Yucatan,  and,  al- 
though Velasquez  had  severely  censured  Gri- 
jalba  for  not  establishing  a  colony  or  trading 
post  somewhere,  he  also  omitted  this  authori- 
sation in  his  instructions  to  Cortes. 

Cortes  threw  himself,  heart  and  soul,  into  the 
new  enterprise,  which  offered  him  exactly  the 
opportunity,  in  search  of  which  he  had  come  to 
the  Indies  fourteen  years  before.  The  mutual 
recriminations  afterwards  indulged  in,  so  ob- 
scure the  facts  that -it  is  difficult  to  discover 
exactly  what  share  of  the  expense  of  the  equip- 
ment was  borne  by  each,  but  of  Cortes  it  must 
be  said  that  he  staked  everything  he  possessed 
or  could  procure  on  the  venture,  even  raising 
loans  by  mortgages  on  his  property.  His  ap- 
pointment to  such  an  important  command  did 
not  fail  to  arouse  jealousies  on  the  part  of 
some,  and  the  increased  consequence  he  gave 
himself  in  his  dress,  manners,  and  way  of  living 
served  to  so  aggravate  these  sentiments  that, 
hardly  had  the  work  of  organisation  got  fairly 
under  way,  wThen  his  enemies  adroitly  began  to 
excite  the  suspicious  spirit  of  Velasquez.  A 
dwarf,  who  played  the  court  jester  in  the  gov- 
ernor's household,  was  inspired  to  make  oracular 
jokes,  in  which  thinly  veiled  warnings  of  what 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  23 


was  to  be  expected  of  Cortes's  masterful  spirit, 
once  he  was  free  from  control  and  in  command 
of  such  an  armada,  were  conveyed  to  Velasquez, 
and  these  barbed  jests  did  not  fail  of  their  pur- 
pose. The  governor's  distrust  finally  pushed 
him  to  the  incredible  folly  of  deciding  to  revoke 
his  appointment  as  commander,  and  to  sub- 
stitute one  Vasco  Porcallo,  a  native  of  Ca- 
ceres.  This  decision  he  made  known  to  Lares 
and  Duero,  the  very  men  through  whom  Cortes 
had  negotiated  to  obtain  his  place,  and  they 
hastened  to  warn  their  protege  of  the  governor's 
intention. 

To  accept  the  humiliation,  the  public  ridicule, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  financial  ruin,  into  which 
the  revocation  of  his  appointment,  almost  on  the 
eve  of  sailing,  would  have  plunged  him,  was  an 
alternative  which  never  could  have  been  for  a 
moment  considered  by  Cortes,  who  immediately 
hastened  his  preparations,  got  his  provisions 
and  men  on  board  that  same  day,  and  stood 
down  the  bay  with  all  his  ships  during  the 
night.  He  even  seized  the  entire  meat  supply 
of  the  town,  for  which  he  paid  with  a  gold 
chain  he  wore.1  The  accounts  of  the  manner 
of  the  departure  of  the  fleet  conflict,  and  it  has 
been  represented  as  a  veritable  flight,  but  Ber- 
nal  Diaz  asserts  that,  although  he  got  every- 
thing ready  very  quickly  and  hastened  the  date 

1  Las  Casas,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  cxiv.;  Gomara, 
Cronica  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  vii. 


24  Fernando  Cortes 


of  sailing,  Cortes  went  with  a  number  of 
others,  and  took  formal  leave  of  the  governor 
with  embraces  and  mutual  good  wishes; 
and  that  after  he  had  heard  mass,  Diego 
Velasquez  came  down  to  the  port  to  see  the 
armada  off. 

This  simple  and  natural  version  is  in  con- 
sonance with  the  character  of  Cortes,  and  he 
doubtless  exercised  scrupulous  care  to  avoid 
provoking  the  testy  governor.  Aware  of  the  in- 
trigues against  him,  and  of  the  uncertainty  of 
his  position,  his  safety  lay  in  pushing  forward 
his  preparations  with  unostentatious  haste, 
masking  his  determination  under  an  astute 
display  of  increased  deference  towards  his  sus- 
picious superior.  Although  he  had  evidently 
secured  his  captains,  and  could  count  on  his 
crews,  the  moment  for  an  act  of  open  defiance 
was  not  yet,  nor  did  Velasquez,  in  a  letter  to 
the  licenciate  Figueroa,  dated  November  17, 
1519,  which  was  to  be  delivered  to  Charles  V., 
allege  any  such,  though  he  would  hardly  have 
failed  to  make  the  most  of  each  item  in  his 
arraignment  of  his  rebellious  lieutenant.  Stop- 
ping at  Macaca,  Trinidad,  and  Havana  he  for- 
cibly seized  stores  at  these  places,  and  from 
ships  which  he  stopped,  sometimes  paying  for 
them,  and  sometimes  giving  receipts  and  prom- 
ises. Everywhere  he  increased  his  armament, 
and  enlisted  more  men. 

The  governor's  uneasy  suspicions  augmented 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  25 


after  the  sailing  of  the  fleet,  being  aggravated 
by  the  members  of  his  household,  who  were 
jealous  of  the  sudden  rise  in  Cortes's  fortunes, 
and,  possibly,  honestly  distrustful  of  the  signs 
of  independence  he  had  already  manifested.  In 
the  work  of  fretting  Velasquez,  a  half  foolish 
astrologer  was  called  in,  who  foretold  disaster 
and  imputed  to  Cortes,  schemes  of  revenge  for 
past  wrongs,  referring  to  his  former  imprison- 
ment by  the  governor's  orders,  and  forecasting 
treachery.  These  representations  harmonised 
but  too  well  with  Velasquez's  own  fears,  and 
easily  prevailed  upon  him  to  send  decisive 
orders  to  his  brother-in-law,  Francisco  Verdugo, 
alcalde  mayor  of  Trinidad,  to  assume  command 
of  the  fleet  until  Vasco  Porcallo,  who  had  been 
appointed  successor  to  Cortes,  should  arrive. 
For  greater  security  he  repeated  these  instruc- 
tions to  Diego  de  Ordaz,  Francisco  de  Morla, 
and  others  on  whose  loyalty  he  thought  he 
could  count.  Nobody,  however,  undertook  to 
carry  out  the  orders  to  displace  and  imprison 
Cortes,  whose  faculty  for  making  friends  was 
such,  that  he  had  already  won  over  all  those 
on  whom  Velasquez  relied,  especially  Ordaz  and 
Verdugo.1  The  very  messengers  who  brought 
the  official  orders  to  degrade  and  imprison  him 
joined  the  expedition.    Public  sympathy  was 

1  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  viii. ;  Las  Casas,  Hist .  Gen.,  cap„ 
cxiv.,  cxv.;  De  Rebus  Gestis  in  Icazbalceta,  Documentos 
Ineditos,  torn,  if 


26  Fernando  Cortes 


entirely  with  him,  for  he  had  rallied  some  of 
the  best  men  in  Cuba  to  his  standard,  who  thus 
had  a  stake  in  the  success  of  the  enterprise 
which  depended  primarily  on  the  ability  of  the 
commander.  They  had  full  confidence  in  their 
leader,  and  it  suited  neither  their  temper  nor 
their  interest  to  see  him  superseded.  It 
was  Cortes  himself  who  replied  to  the 
governor's  letters,  seeking  to  reassure  him 
with  protestations  of  loyalty  and  affection, 
counselling  him  meanwhile  to  silence  the  ma- 
licious tongues  of  the  mischief-makers  in 
Santiago. 

The  governor  wras  in  no  way  tranquillised  by 
such  a  communication ;  on  the  contrary,  the  sup- 
pression of  his  orders  by  Verdugo  enraged  him 
beyond  measure.  The  fleet  had  meanwhile  gone 
to  Havana  whither  a  confidential  messenger, 
one  Garnica,  was  sent  with  fresh,  and  more 
stringent  orders  to  the  lieutenant-governor, 
Pedro  Barba  who  resided  there,  positively  for- 
bidding the  fleet  to  sail,  and  ordering  the  im- 
mediate imprisonment  of  Cortes.  Diego  Velas- 
quez was  seldom  happy  in  his  choice  of  men, 
and,  in  this  instance,  his  "  confidential "  mes- 
senger not  only  brought  these  official  orders  to 
the  lieutenant-governor,  but  he  likewise  delivered 
to  Fray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo,  a  Mercedarian 
friar  who  accompanied  the  expedition,  a  certain 
letter  from  another  priest,  resident  in  the  execu- 
tive household,  warning  Cortes  of  the  sense  of  the 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  27 


governor's  orders.1  Failure  attended  all  Velas- 
quez's efforts,  for  Don  Pedro  Barba  replied, 
telling  him  plainly  that  it  was  not  in  his  power 
to  stop  Cortes,  who  was  popular,  not  only  with 
his  troops,  but  also  with  the  townspeople;  and 
that  any  attempt  to  interfere  with  him  would 
result  in  a  general  rising  in  his  favour.  Bernal 
Diaz  declares  that  they  would  have  died  for 
him,  to  a  man. 

During  these  days  he  played,  as  he  himself 
afterwards  described  it  to  Las  Casas,  the  part 
of  "  the  gentle  corsair." 2  Parting  in  this 
manner  from  the  royal  governor  of  Cuba,  joint 
owner  of  the  ships  and  their  contents,  it  is 
obvious  that  there  was  no  turning  back  for 
Cortes;  he  was  henceforth  driven  forward  by 
the  knowledge  that  sure  disgrace,  very  likely 
death  was  behind  him,  and  drawn  on  by  the 
enticing  prospect  of  achieving  such  complete 
success  as  should  vindicate  his  lawless  courses. 

The  entire  fleet3  sailed  for  the  island  of 

1  Las  Casas  comments  severely  on  the  want  of  judg- 
ment displayed  by  Velasquez  in  his  attempts  to  recall 
Cortes.  "  Never  have  I  seen  so  little  knowledge  of  affairs 
shown,  as  in  this  letter  of  Diego  Velasquez — that  he  should 
have  imagined  that  one  who  had  but  recently  so  affronted 
him,  would  delay  his  departure  at  his  bidding!  "  (Hist. 
Gen.,  cap.  cxv.) 

2  Hist.  Gen.,  cap.  cxv. 

3  Authorities  do  not  agree  in  regard  to  the  force  com- 
manded by  Cortes.  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  the  number 
of  mariners  was  one  hundred  and  ten,  while  of  soldiers,  in- 
cluding thirty-two  crossbowmen  and  thirteen  arquebusiers, 


28  Fernando  Cortes 


Cozumel  on  February  18,  1519,  and  the  first 
vessel  to  reach  land  was  the  one  commanded 
by  Pedro  de  Alvarado  who  began  his  career  by 
an  act  of  disobedience  to  orders,  characteristic 
of  his  headstrong  and  cruel  temperament.  When 
the  commander  arrived  two  days  later,  he 
found  that  the  Indians  had  all  been  frightened 
away  by  the  Spaniards'  violence  in  plundering 
their  town,  and  taking  some  of  them  prisoners.1 
Cortes  clearly  defined  his  policy  in  dealing  with 
the  natives  at  the  very  outset.  After  ordering 
the  pilot  Camacho,  who  had  brought  the  vessel 
to  land  before  the  others,  to  be  clapped  into 
irons,  for  disobeying  his  orders,  he  severely 
rebuked  Alvarado,  explaining  to  him  that  his 
measures  were  fatal  to  the  success  of  the  ex- 
pedition. The  prisoners  were  not  only  released, 
but  each  received  gifts,  and  all  were  assured 
through  the  interpreters,  Melchor  and  Julian, 


there  were  five  hundred  and  fifty-three;  two  hundred  In- 
dians, men  and  women,  went  along  as  porters,  cooks,  and 
camp-servants.  There  were  sixteen  horses,  which  proved 
to  be  his  most  valuable  asset,  being  of  greater  use  even 
than  the  ten  cannon  and  four  small  falconets  he  carried. 

The  Letter  of  Relation  from  Vera  Cruz  gives  the  total 
number  of  soldiers  as  four  hundred,  while  Diego  Velas- 
quez himself  wrote  to  the  licenciate  Figueroa,  chief  judge 
in  Hispaniola  that  they  numbered  six  hundred  men.  The 
supply  of  ammunition  was  plentiful.  The  flag-ship  was 
a  vessel  of  one  hundred  tons  burden,  three  others  were 
of  eighty  tons,  and  the  remainder  were  small  brigantines 
without  decks, — in  all  eleven  vessels. 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xxv. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  29 


that  they  should  suffer  no  further  harm,  and 
that  they  should  therefore  go  and  call  back  the 
others  who  had  fled.  Everything  that  had  been 
stolen  from  the  town  was  restored,  and  the 
fowls  and  other  provisions  that  had  been  eaten, 
were  all  paid  for  liberally.  Discipline  was  en- 
forced, also,  among  the  Spaniards,  and  seven 
sailors,  who  were  found  guilty  of  stealing  some 
bacon  from  a  soldier,  were  sentenced  to  be 
publicly  whipped. 

The  head  chief  of  the  island  came  to  visit 
Cortes,  who  received  him  with  every  demon- 
stration of  friendship,  assuring  him  that  the 
persons  and  the  property  of  all  his  people  would 
be  respected.  This  diplomacy  was  highly  suc- 
cessful, and  Spaniards  and  Indians  mingled 
together  in  perfect  amity.1  Cortes  learned  from 
the  caciques  that  there  were  some  white  prison- 
ers in  Yucatan  about  two  days'  march  distant 
from  there,  and  that  some  traders  who  were 
there  present  had  seen  them  only  a  few  days 
before.  A  messenger  was  despatched  in  search 
of  the  captives,  bearing  a  letter  tied  in  his  hair.2 

1  First  Letter  of  Relation  to  Charles  V.:  Las  Casas,  lib. 
iii.,  cap.  cxvii.;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xxv.,  xxvi.;  Gomara, 
Cronica,  cap.  x. 

2  Noble  Sirs,  I  left  Cuba  with  a  fleet  of  eleven  ships 
and  five  hundred  Spaniards  and  have  arrived  at  Cozumel, 
whence  I  write  you  this  letter. 

The  people  of  this  island  assure  me  that  there  are  five 
or  six  bearded  white  men  in  this  country,  who  greatly 
resemble  us,  and  I  conjecture,  though  they  can  give  me 


3°  Fernando  Cortes 


Three  days  after  the  departure  of  this  mes- 
senger, Cortes  took  the  further  precaution  of 
despatching  Diego  de  Ordaz,  with  the  two 
smallest  brigantines  to  Cape  Catoche,  where 
other  messengers  were  landed  with  instructions 
to  find  the  captives  or  return  with  some  in- 
formation within  eight  days.  During  this  inter- 
val of  waiting,  Cortes  undertook  the  conversion 
of  the  natives,  employing  the  interpreters  Julian 
and  Melchor  to  explain  the  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  to  exhort  them  to  abandon  their 
superstitions  and  idolatry.  The  Indians  af- 
firmed that  their  gods  were  beneficent,  bring- 
ing them  health,  harvests,  and  victory  over  their 
enemies,  and  that  they  would  under  no  circum- 
stances abandon  them.  The  zeal  of  Cortes  being 
of  the  impetuous  order  that  ill-brooked  resist- 
ance, he  had  the  idols  overthrown  and  rolled 
down  the  steps  of  the  temple;  he  ordered  the  in- 
terior to  be  thoroughly  cleansed,  after  which  an 
altar  was  improvised,  a  statue  of  Our  Lady  set  up, 
and  two  carpenters  constructed  a  large  cross  of 
wood  above  the  altar.  The  chaplain  of  the  ex- 
no  other  indications,  that  you  are  Spaniards.  I,  and  the 
gentlemen  who  have  come  with  me  to  explore  and  take 
possession  of  these  countries,  earnestly  beg  you  to  come 
to  us  within  five  or  six  days  after  you  receive  this,  without 
further  delay  or  excuse. 

If  you  will  come,  all  of  us  will  recognise,  and  thank 
you,  for  the  assistance  this  armada  shall  receive  from 
you.  I  send  a  brigantine  to  bring  you,  with  two  ships 
as  escort  Hernan  Cortes. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  31 

pedition,  Juan  Diaz,  then  said  mass.  What 
impression  these  acts  made  upon  the  Indians, 
we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  Cortes  reported 
to  the  emperor  that  he  had  succeeded  in  making 
them  understand  perfectly  their  obligations  as 
Christians,  and  that  he  left  them  contented  with 
their  new  religion.  This  optimistic  view  can 
hardly  be  accepted  unreservedly.  Julian  and 
Melchor  doubtless  possessed  but  an  indifferent 
knowledge  of  Spanish,  and  their  comprehension 
of  the  mysteries  of  the  Catholic  religion  was 
probably  imperfect,  while  there  was  nothing  in 
the  daily  conduct  of  the  Spaniards  to  favourably 
illustrate  Christian  morals.  The  emblem  of  the 
cross  was  no  doubt  perfectly  acceptable  to  the 
Indians,  as  it  was  the  sign  of  their  own  rain-god 
and  hence  a  familiar  symbol  of  worship. 

At  the  end  of  the  eight  days  Diego  de  Ordaz 
returned  from  Catoche,  and  reported  that  the 
Indian  messengers  had  not  appeared,  and  that 
owing  to  rough  weather  and  the  dangerous  char- 
acter of  the  coast,  he  had  been  obliged  to  return 
to  save  his  ships  from  foundering.  Cortes 
showed  some  vexation  at  this  result. 

On  March  5th 1  the  fleet  sailed  for  Isla 
de  las  Mugeres  where  the  people  landed  and 
heard  mass.  An  accident  to  the  ship  com- 
manded by  Juan  de  Escalante  delayed  the  others 
until  the  twelfth  of  the  month,  while  his  vessel 


1  Gomara,  cap.  xii. 


32  Fernando  Cortes 


was  lightened  of  her  cargo  and  repaired.  A 
violent  storm  of  wind  and  rain  occasioned  still 
further  delay  in  leaving  port,  and  on  March 
13th  an  Indian  log  canoe  was  seen  approaching, 
in  which  were  three  naked  men,  armed  with 
bows  and  arrows.  One  of  these  men  advanced 
and  called  out  in  Spanish,  "  Are  you  Christians, 
and  of  what  sovereign  are  you  vassals?  "  1  This 
was  Geronimo  de  Aguilar,  a  native  of  Encija, 
a  man  in  holy  orders,  who  had  been  captured 
with  some  twenty  others,  while  crossing  from 
Darien  to  Hispaniola.  Their  caravel,  under 
command  of  Valdivia,  was  wrecked  on  the  treach- 
erous reefs  called  Las  Viboras,  situated  fifteen 
leagues  to  the  south  of  Jamaica,  and  extending 
a  distance  of  forty-five  leagues.  Twenty  of  the 
crew  were  saved  in  an  open  boat,  without  sails, 
food,  or  water,  and  after  drifting  hopelessly  for 
fourteen  days,  during  which  time  seven  or  eight 
died,  their  boat  was  cast  on  the  coast  of  Yuca- 
tan. Valdivia  and  five  others  were  at  once 
sacrificed  and  eaten  by  the  Mayas  who  had  cap- 
tured them,  and  the  survivors  were  confined  in 
cages  to  fatten  for  the  same  miserable  end. 
Geronimo  de  Aguilar  and  Alonso  Guerrero  suc- 
ceeded in  escaping  and,  after  wandering  some 
time  in  the  forests,  were  captured  by  another, 
but  less  blood-thirsty,  cacique,  who  treated  them 
kindly.    Guerrero  adopted  the  ways  and  cus- 

1  Andres  de  Tapia,  Relacion  in  Icazbalceta,  p.  556. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  33 

toms  of  the  Indians;  learned  their  language; 
tattooed  his  face;  married  an  Indian  wife;  and 
became,  in  all  respects,  one  of  them.  He  rose 
to  a  position  of  some  influence  in  the  tribe,  and 
it  was  even  alleged  that  he  shared  in  their 
idolatry  and  cannibalism. 

When  Cortes's  letter  was  delivered  to  Aguiiar, 
he  procured  permission  to  go  to  the  white  men, 
but  his  companion,  Guerrero,  refused  to  go,  for 
he  was  ashamed  to  show  himself,  naked  and 
tattooed.1  Moreover  he  was  fond  of  his  wife 
and  his  three  sons,  and  enjoyed  a  position  of 
authority  in  the  country,  whereas  to  go  back 
to  Spain  meant  for  him  a  return  to  poverty  and 
hardship.  Aguiiar  was  taken  before  Cortes, 
who  failed  to  distinguish  him  from  the  Indians, 
and  asked  Andres  de  Tapia,  which  was  the 
Spaniard.  The  finding  of  Geronimo  de  Aguiiar 
fulfilled  one  of  the  original  purposes  of  the  ex- 
pedition. 

The  fleet  set  sail  from  Cozumel  on  March 
13th,  and  after  experiencing  some  rough 
weather  which  separated  the  ships  from  one  an- 
other, again  united  at  the  island  of  Las  Mugeres 
the  following  day.  One  of  the  captains,  Esco- 
bar, was  sent  in  a  brigantine  to  explore  the 
Boca  de  Terminos  and  returned  bringing  a 
quantity  of  hare  and  rabbit  skins.  He  had  been 
welcomed  with  great  effusion  by  a  greyhound 


1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xxvii. 
3 


34  Fernando  Cortes 


that  had  been  left  behind  by  Grijalba's  men, 
and  had  evidently  prospered  on  the  fat  of  the 
land.  From  Boca  de  Terininos,  the  ships  con- 
tinued to  the  Tabasco  River,  which,  as  before 
stated,  the  Spaniards  had  christened  Rio  de  Gri- 
jalva.  As  the  larger  vessels  could  not  ascend 
the  river,  Cortes  landed  his  people  in  small 
barques  at  a  point  some  half  a  league  dis- 
tant from  the  town  of  Tabasco,  where  Gri- 
jalba  had  had  a  friendly  reception  from  the 
natives. 

The  Indians  were  found  to  have  changed  their 
sentiments  towards  the  white  men  and  Geronimo 
de  Aguilar,  who  acted  as  interpreter,  announced 
that  the  chiefs  were  defiant,  and  the  town  full 
of  armed  men  prepared  to  fight.  Cortes  estab- 
lished his  camp  as  well  as  possible,  and  sent  out 
three  scouts  to  find  a  road  leading  into  the  town. 
The  following  day  (March  23d,)  several  canoes 
appeared,  bringing  a  few  provisions  for  the 
Spaniards,  but  the  Indians  insisted  that  they 
should  leave  the  country  without  entering  their 
town.  Cortes  replied  by  causing  the  pompous 
requerimiento  or  summons,  that  he  had  in  read- 
iness, to  be  read  to  them,  which  invited  and 
admonished  the  Indians  as  vassals  of  the  Spanish 
sovereign  to  yield  obedience.  This  document 
was  invented  and  drawn  up,  for  the  use  of 
Pedrarius  de  Avila  by  Dr.  Palacios  Rubio. 
a  jurisconsult  and  member  of  the  Royal 
Council,    and    was    afterwards    employed  in 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  35 


the  other  colonies.1  The  requirement  began 
thus: 

On  the  part  of  the  King  Fernando  and  of  the 
Queen  Dona  Juana,  his  daughter,  Queen  of  Cas- 
tile, Leon,  &c,  &c. :  Rulers  of  the  barbarous  na- 
tives, we  their  servants  notify  and  make  it  known 
to  you,  as  best  we  can,  that  the  living  and  eternal 
God,  Our  Lord,  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth 
and  a  man  and  a  woman,  of  whom  you  and  we 
and  all  men  in  the  world  are  descendants,  as  well 
as  all  who  shall  come  after  us.  However,  because 
of  the  multitude  of  generations  issuing  from  these, 
in  the  five  thousand  years  since  the  creation  of 
the  world,  it  was  necessary  that  some  should  go 
one  way,  and  some  another,  and  that  they  should 
be  divided  into  many  kingdoms  and  many  pro- 
vinces, as  they  could  not  maintain  themselves  in 
one.  God,  Our  Lord,  gave  the  charge  of  all  these 
people  to  one  called  St.  Peter,  that  he  should  be 
lord  and  superior  over  all  men  in  the  world  and 
that  all  should  obey  him,  and  that  he  should  be 
the  head  of  all  the  human  race  and  should  love 
all  men,  of  whatsoever  land,  religion  and  belief; 
and  He  gave  him  the  world  for  his  kingdom,  order- 
ing his  seat  to  be  placed  in  Rome,  as  the  place 
best  suited  for  ruling  the  world;  but  he  was  per- 
mitted also  to  establish  his  seat  in  any  other  part 
of  the  world  and  to  judge  and  govern  all  peoples, 

1  The  full  text  of  this  document  is  reprinted  in  Orozco  y 
Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p.  86. 


36  Fernando  Cortes 


Christians,  Moors,  Jews,  Gentiles,  and  of  whatso- 
ever other  sect  or  creed  they  might  be,  &C.1 

The  provisions  of  the  papal  bull  giving  the  do- 
minion over  America  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns 
then  followed. 

The  notary,  or  clerk,  who  accompanied  the 
expedition,  read  this  unique  document,  indif- 
ferent to  the  fact  that  the  Indians  could  not 
comprehend  a  word,  even  were  they  near  enough 
to  hear;  and  sometimes  the  reading  of  it  would 
take  place  with  no  Indians  at  all  present.  All 
scruples  were  satisfied  by  this  formality,  and, 
if  submission  did  not  follow,  the  commander 
dealt  with  the  natives  as  with  obdurate  rebels 
against  the  royal  authority. 

The  Indians  at  Tabasco  neither  comprehended 
nor  heeded  the  reading  of  this  singular  claim 
on  their  obedience,  and  there  ensued  a  fiercely 
contested  battle,  in  which  they  vainly  disputed 
the  landing  of  the  Spaniards.  Cortes  took  for- 
mal possession  of  the  country  for  his  sovereign, 
striking  the  trunk  of  a  great  ceiba  tree  that 
grew  in  the  court  of  the  principal  temple,  three 
times  with  his  sword,  and  announcing  that  he 
would  defend  his  king's  prerogative  against  all 
comers.  The  Indian  interpreter,  Melchor,  de- 
serted the  Spaniards  during  this  fight,  and  en- 
couraged his  countrymen  to  keep  up  a  continuous 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p.  86. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  37 

attack,  telling  them  the  white  men  were  few 
in  number  and  mortal  like  themselves.  Three 
prisoners  were  taken  by  the  Spaniards,  who 
furnished  this  information  to  Aguilar,  adding 
that  a  combined  attack  by  all  the  Indian  forces 
would  be  made  on  the  morrow. 

The  next  morning,  at  dawn,  Cortes  took  com- 
mand of  twelve  of  his  best  horsemen,  and, 
having  divided  his  forces  into  three  divisions  of 
one  hundred  men,  each  under  command  of  a 
captain,  and  provided  a  rear-guard  of  one  hun- 
dred more,  he  marched  his  men  out  towards  the 
village  of  Ceutla,  where  a  multitude  of  war- 
riors, well  armed  and  wearing  their  martial 
paint  and  feathers,  were  awaiting  them.  The 
Indians  rushed  courageously  to  the  fray  and, 
by  sheer  force  of  numbers,  overwhelmed  the  in- 
vaders in  such  wise  that  it  was  hardly  possible 
to  distinguish  friend  from  foe,  and  the  battle 
became  a  hand  to  hand  fight  at  the  closest 
possible  quarters. 

Though  under  fire  for  the  first  time,  the  war- 
riors showed  little  fear  of  the  strange  weapons 
that  dealt  death  amongst  them,  partly  because 
it  was  difficult  for  them  to  observe  the  deadly 
effects  of  the  muskets,  and  partly  because  the 
din  of  their  drums  and  trumpets  drowned  the 
sound  of  the  firing.  Cortes,  who  had  held  his 
horsemen  concealed  in  a  wood,  from  whence  he 
observed  the  course  of  the  battle,  suddenly  fell 
upon  the  rear-guard  of  the  enemy.    The  ap- 


38  Fernando  Cortes 


pearance  of  the  horses,  which  the  Indians  be- 
held for  the  first  time,  their  quick  movements 
and  the  glancing  armour  of  the  cavaliers,  struck 
terror  and  amazement  among  the  warriors.  The 
horse  and  his  rider  seemed  to  them  one  resistless 
creature.  This  spirited  attack  on  the  enemy's 
rear,  scattered  the  Indians,  and  enabled  the 
Spanish  infantry  to  collect  and  re-form  their 
lines.  The  retreat  soon  became  a  rout,  the 
horsemen  pursuing  the  fugitives  across  the  open 
country,  killing  many,  and  capturing  some,  until 
the  survivors  disappeared  into  the  impenetrable 
forests. 

This  decisive  battle,  which  took  place  on 
March  25th,  became  known  as  the  battle  of 
Ceutla,  and  in  Gomara's  Gronlca,  as  well  as  in 
Tapia's  Relation  and  the  accounts  of  others,  the 
victory  was  attributed  to  the  miraculous  inter- 
vention of  St.  James,  the  patron  of  Spain,  or  of 
St.  Peter,  the  patron  of  Cortes.  Bernal  Diaz  says 
it  may  have  been  as  Gomara  describes,  and  that 
the  glorious  apostles,  Senor  Santiago  and  Seilor 
San  Pedro,  did  appear,  but  that  he,  miserable 
sinner,  was  not  worthy  to  behold  the  apparition.1 

1  The  first  recorded  apparition  of  St.  James  on  the  field 
of  battle  was  at  the  great  victory  of  Clavijo,  A.D.  844,  in 
which  70,000  Moslems  perished;  from  thenceforth  the 
Saint  became  the  military  patron  of  Spain  and  his  name 
"  Santiago,"  the  popular  battle-cry.  Spanish  soldiers  were 
so  familiar  with  the  idea  of  the  apostle's  apparition  that  its 
recurrence  in  Mexico  was  simply  a  proof  to  them  of  the 
justice  of  their  cause  and  a  celestial  assurance  of  victory. 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  39 


In  the  First  Letter  of  Relation,  Cortes  re- 
ported to  the  emperor  that  twenty  Spaniards 
were  wounded  in  this  engagement,  of  whom 
none  died.  The  number  of  Indian  warriors  was 
fixed  at  forty  thousand,  increased  by  Andres 
de  Tapia  in  his  Relacion  to  forty-eight  thousand, 
but  these  figures  can  hardly  be  accurate,  and, 
as  Orozco  y  Berra  properly  observes,  must  be 
taken  to  represent  the  idea  of  multitude  rather 
than  an  actual  counting.1 

The  immediate  result  of  the  battle  of  Ceutla 
was  the  submission  of  the  entire  province  to 
the  pretensions  of  the  Spaniards.  One  cacique 
after  another  came  to  Cortes,  bringing  presents 
of  gold,  stuffs,  provisions,  and  slaves,  and  offer- 
ing his  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Spain.  It  was 
part  of  Cortes's  policy  to  receive  the  humbled 
chieftains  kindly,  and  to  declare  that  their  past 
rebellion  was  forgotton  and  forgiven.  In  re- 
ply to  enquiries  as  to  whence  came  the  gold, 
the  Indians  answered,  "  from  Colhua,"  the  latter 
word  being  one  wiiich  had  no  significance  as  yet 
for  the  Spaniards,  but  which  they  took  to  mean 
some  place  farther  inland.  It  appeared  from 
what  the  interpreters  could  gather,  that  the 
deserter,  Melchor,  had  been  sacrificed  by  the 

1  Great  discrepancy  prevails  in  regard  to  the  numbers 
engaged  and  the  number  slain  or  wounded.  Las  Casas 
sarcastically  describes  this  battle,  in  which  he  declares 
30,000  natives  fell,  as  the  "  first  preaching  of  the  gospel  by 
Cortes  in  New  Spain !  " — Hist  Gen.,  cap.  cxix. 


40  Fernando  Cortes 


people  of  Tabasco  when  they  saw  the  evil  re- 
sults that  followed  on  their  acceptance  of  his 
counsel  to  resist  the  Spaniards.  Cortes  exacted 
as  a  gage  of  the  caciques'  good  faith,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  towns  should  return  to 
their  dwellings  and  to  their  usual  occupations. 
When  life  had  somewhat  resumed  its  normal 
trend,  his  missionary  zeal  once  more  became 
active,  and  Fray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo  was  di- 
rected to  instruct  the  Indians  in  the  Catholic 
faith  and  to  exhort  them  to  renounce  idolatry. 
Geronimo  de  Aguilar  doubtless  proved  a  surer 
interpreter  than  his  predecessor;  in  any  case 
the  people  of  Tabasco  showed  no  reluctance  to 
receive  the  friar's  instructions  and  to  acknow- 
ledge the  power  of  the  Christian  God.  A  tem- 
ple was  cleansed  and  provided  with  an  altar, 
surmounted  by  a  statue  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  and 
Child,  above  which  stood  a  large  cross  of  wood. 
Fray  Bartolome  said  mass  and  delivered  a  ser- 
mon, which  was  interpreted  by  Aguilar.  The 
name  of  the  town  was  changed  to  Santa  Maria 
de  la  Victoria. 

Twenty  female  slaves  who  had  been  presented, 
by  the  caciques,  to  Cortes,  were  instructed  by 
Fray  Bartolome,  and  solemnly  baptised,  partly, 
if  not  chiefly,  it  would  seem,  to  render  them 
worthy  of  the  embraces  of  the  Christian  Span- 
iards. Amongst  these  slave  women,  was  Mar- 
ina of  Painalla,  the  interpreter,  whose  part  in 


To  the  Beginning  of  the  Conquest  41 


the  conquest  will  unfold  itself  in  the  course  of 
this  narrative,  and  who  will  be  duly  introduced 
in  a  later  chapter.  Cortes  took  his  departure 
from  Santa  Maria  on  Palm  Sunday, — the  first 
Palm  Sunday  celebration  ever  witnessed  on 
the  American  continent.  The  caciques  wrere 
invited  to  be  present  at  the  religious  ceremonies, 
and  at  an  early  hour  all  wTere  assembled  in  the 
temple  court  where  the  altar  with  its  cross  and 
madonna  had  been  erected.  The  Mercedarian 
friar,  Bartolome  de  Olmedo,  and  the  chaplain, 
Juan  Diaz,  celebrated  the  beautiful  office  of  the 
day,  with  all  the  solemnity  and  whatever  pomp 
their  resources  afforded.  Cortes,  with  his  offi- 
cers and  men  formed  in  procession,  each  carry- 
ing a  blessed  palm,  and  performing  the  adoration 
and  kissing  of  the  cross.1  The  Indians,  who 
viewed  with  silent  wonder  these  imposing  and 
mysterious  rites,  afterwards  accompanied  the 
Spaniards  to  their  ships,  where  they  took  leave 
of  them  with  many  protestations  of  friendship 
and  promises  to  observe  the  Catholic  teachings 
imparted  to  them,  and  to  venerate  the  cross  and 
holy  images  left  in  their  temple. 

The  men  crowded  into  the  barques  and  some 
canoes  furnished  by  the  Indians  and,  still  carry- 

1  This  ceremony  properly  belongs  to  the  Good  Friday 
function  and  precedes  the  Mass  of  the  Pre-Sanctified,  but 
was  probably  inserted  here  the  better  to  impress  the 
Indians  with  the  sanctity  of  the  sacred  emblem. 


42  Fernando  Cortes 


ing  the  blessed  palms,  they  passed  down  the 
stream  to  where  the  vessels  rode  at  anchor, 
awaiting  them.1 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  caps,  xxi-xxxvi.  Andres  de  tapia,  Re- 
lation. Gomara,  cap.  xxviii.  First  Letter  of  Relation. 
Peter  Martyr,  De  Insulis  nuper  inventis,  p.  351. 


CHAPTER  II 


MONTEZUMA  AND  HIS  EMPIRE 

The    Aztec    Empire — Origines — Civilisation — Institutions 
— Montezuma — Quetzalcoatl 

IT  is  important  at  this  point  of  our  narrative 
to  review  the  political  organization  of  the 
Mexican  empire;  its  moral,  intellectual,  and 
material  conditions,  as  well  as  the  character 
of  the  sovereign  himself  and  the  relations  in 
which  he  stood  to  the  neighbouring  states,  not 
subject  to  his  rule. 

The  Aztec  empire  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish 
conquest,  comprised  about  sixteen  thousand 
square  leagues,  and  Humboldt  states  in  one 
passage  of  his  Essai  Politique  sur  le  Royaume 
de  Nouvelle  Espagne,  that  its  greatest  extent 
covered  an  area  of  from  eighteen  to  twenty 
thousand  leagues,  but  these  figures  included  the 
neighbouring  kingdom  of  Mechoacan,  which  was 
not  subject  to  Montezuma.  The  boundaries  of 
the  empire  were  estimated  by  historians  of  the 
conquest,  who  based  their  calculations  on  the 
tribute  rolls  in  picture-writings  but  its  limits 
cannot  be  fixed  with  certainty.  Senor  Alaman 
states  that  it  extended  from  one  ocean  to  the 
other  and  was  bounded  on  the  south  by  the 

43 


44  Fernando  Cortes 

Zacatula  River  and  that  its  western  frontier  did 
not  extend  beyond  Tula,  while  the  mountain 
chain  of  Pachuca  formed  its  northern  limit.1 
The  central  valley  of  Mexico,  at  an  altitude  of 
more  than  seven  thousand  feet  above  the  sea- 
level,  has  a  circumference,  according  to  Hum- 
boldt, of  about  sixty-seven  leagues,  shut  in  by 
stupendous  mountain  ranges  whose  principal 
peaks  are  the  now  extinct  volcanoes  of  Popo- 
catepetl and  Ixtaccihuatl.  One  tenth  of  its 
extent  was  covered  by  five  lakes  of  which  the 
largest  was  the  salt-water  lake  of  Tezcoco. 

The  different  tribes  or  nations  of  Anajiuac 
came,  according  to  their  several  traditions,  from 
the  north-west,  in  a  series  of  migrations,  but  of 
their  original  starting  point,  they  preserved  no 
clear  record.  M.  de  Guigne  presents  proofs 
tending  to  show  that  the  Chinese  visited  Mexico 
as  early  as  458  a.d.,  Horn,2  Scherer,3  Humboldt.4 
and  other  authorities,  assign  an  Asiatic  origin 
to  the  Toltecs  and  other  Mexican  peoples.  That 
Mexico  received  settlers  from  other  parts  of  the 
world,  seems  also  certain.  Aristotle 5  relates 
that  Carthaginian  sailors  passed  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules  and,  after  sailing  sixty  days  to  the 
west,  reached  a  beautiful  and  fertile  country, 

1  Disertaciones,  i. 

2  De  originibus  Americanis,  1699. 

3  Recherches  Historiques. 

4  Essai  Politique. 

5  De  admirandis  in  natura. 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  45 

and  that  so  many  began  to  go  thither  that  the 
Senate  of  Carthage  passed  a  law  suppressing 
such  emigration,  to  prevent  the  depopulation  of 
the  city. 

The  efforts  to  graft  Mexican  civilisation  onto 
an  Asiatic  or  African  stock  have  not  been  en- 
tirely successful,  for,  while  there  undoubtedly 
exist  points  of  striking  similarity,  these  seem  to 
be  counterbalanced  by  still  more  important 
divergencies.  The  paucity  of  positive  data  or 
even  coherent  traditions,  has  left  a  wide  field 
open  to  speculation,  of  which  many  learned  and 
ingenious  seekers  have  availed  themselves  to  the 
fullest  extent,  but  without  achieving  results 
commensurate  with  their  labours.  Without  at- 
tempting a  thorough  search  into  the  racial 
origin  of  the  tribes,  which  Cortes  found  in  the 
valley  of  Mexico,  it  may  be  briefly  stated  that 
the  best  evidence  before  us  points  to  Yucatan  as 
the  culminating  centre  of  American  civilisation, 
from  whence  a  knowledge  of  law,  arts,  and 
manufactures,  and  the  influence  of  an  organised 
religious  system  spread  northwards. 

The  splendid  ruins  of  Yucatan  and  Central 
America  attest  the  existence  of  a  race  of  people, 
which,  whatever  its  origin,  was  isolated  from 
European  and  Asiatic  influence  alike,  since  an 
epoch  which  it  is  impossible  to  fix,  but  which 
was  certainly  very  remote.  This  race — the 
Maya — possessed  a  civilisation,  sui  generis,  and 
entirely  unique  on  the  North  American  con- 


46  Fernando  Cortes 


tinent,  the  focus  of  which  had  already  shifted 
to  the  high  valley  of  Mexico,  long  before  the 
Spaniards  first  visited  the  country  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  leaving  the  towns  of  Uxmal, 
Palenque,  Utatlan,  and  the  others  in  the  south- 
ern region,  in  ruins.  What  devastating  influ- 
ences produced  this  movement  of  an  entire 
people,  is  not  known,  and  the  length  of  time 
occupied  by  it,  is  problematical,  though  it  must 
have  extended  over  centuries,  ebbing  and  flow- 
ing intermittently.  The  conflicting  traditions 
as  to  the  direction  from  which  tribes,  law-givers, 
and  priests  arrived  in  Anahuac  are  doubtless 
owing  to  distinct  movements,  at  different  times, 
of  the  southern  peoples,  in  their  wandering 
search  for  a  new  and  permanent  abiding  place. 
These  early  migrations  from  south  to  north, 
were  succeeded,  during  the  period,  commonly 
termed  the  Middle  Ages,  by  a  counter-movement, 
and  the  northern  tribes  began  to  return  south- 
wards, conquering  the  different  peoples  they 
encountered.  Although  some  of  the  peoples  had 
preserved  much  of  the  culture  bequeathed  them 
by  their  forefathers,  there  was  no  uniform 
civilisation  existing  among  them,  save  in  the 
case  of  the  Toltecs. 

The  Toltecs  left  their  country  called  Hue- 
huetlapallan,  in  the  vague  north-west,  in  the 
year  554  a.d.  and,  after  one  hundred  and  four 
years  of  migratory  life,  founded  the  city  of 
Tollantzinco  in  658,  whence  they  again  moved 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  47 

in  667  to  Tula,  or  Tollan;  it  is  from  this  date 
that  their  monarchy  which  lasted  three  hundred 
and  eighty-four  years,  is  reckoned.1  According 
to  Torquemada,  the  Chichimecas  followed  within 
nine  years  after  the  extinction  of  the  Toltec 
sovereignty,  but  Clavigero's  calculation  shows 
the  improbability  of  this,  for  several  reasons, 
the  most  convincing  of  which  is  the  incredible 
chronology  of  their  kings.  Torquemada  says 
that  Xolotl  reigned  113  years,  his  son  lived  to  be 
170  and  his  grandson  104  years  old,  while  another 
king,  Tezozomoc  reigned  180  years!  It  is  ob- 
vious that  the  Chichimeca  period  must  either  be 
shortened  or  the  number  of  kings  increased. 
After  the  Chichimecas,  came  the  six  tribes  of 
Tlascala,  Xochimilco,  Acolhua  (Texcoco)  Tepa- 
nec,  Chalco,  and  Tlahuichco,  closely  followed  by 
the  Colhuas  or  Mexicans,  who  first  arrived  at 
Tula  in  1196  and,  after  several  shorter  migra- 
tions, founded  Mexico-Tenochtitlan  in  1325. 
The  last  tribe  to  come  was  that  of  the  Ottomies, 
in  1420.  Boturini  believed  that  the  tribes  of 
Xicalango  and  the  Olemchs  antedated  the  Tol- 
tecs,  but  says  that  no  records  or  picture-writings 
explaining  their  origin  were  discoverable  in  his 
time.  From  the  foundation  of  Mexico,  the  form 
of  government  was  aristocratic  till  1352,  when, 
according  to  Torquemada's  interpretation  of 
their  picture-writings,  the  first  king,  Acama- 

1  Clavigero,  Storia  del  Messico,  vol.  iv. 


48  Fernando  Cortes 


patzin,  eighth  predecessor  of  Montezuma  II.  was 
elected  and  reigned  for  thirty-seven  years. 

The  Aztec  civilisation  which  attained  its  high- 
est development  in  Tenochtitlan  and  Texcoco, 
never  reached  the  level  of  the  Maya  culture, 
nor  did  its  cities  contain  any  such  admirable 
buildings  as  those  of  which  the  ruins  still  delight 
and  mystify  the  traveller  in  Yucatan  and  Central 
America.  Outside  its  few  centres  of  learning 
and  luxury,  the  numerous  tribes  under  Monte- 
zuma's rule  were  dwellers  in  caves,  living  by  the 
chase  and  in  no  way  sharing  the  benefits  of 
the  Aztec  polity.  In  morals  and  manners,  the 
Aztecs  were  inferior  to  the  Toltecs  and,  though 
they  adopted  and  continued  the  civilisation  of 
their  predecessors,  they  were  devoid  of  their 
intellectual  and  artistic  qualities  and  turned 
their  attention  more  to  war  and  commerce,  as 
the  surest  means  for  riveting  their  supremacy 
on  their  neighbours.  When  Cortes  arrived, 
Texcoco  and  Tlacopan,  though  still  calling 
themselves  independent  and  ruled  by  sovereigns 
who  claimed  equality  with  Montezuma,  were 
rapidly  sinking  into  a  condition  of  vassalage. 
The  Aztec  religion  was  likewise  of  a  militant 
order;  it  was  polytheistic  and  readily  admitted 
the  gods  of  conquered  or  allied  nations  into 
its  pantheon.  Upon  the  milder  cult  of  the  older 
religious  systems  they  had  adopted,  these  de- 
votees of  the  war-god  speedily  grafted  their  own 
horrible  practices  of  human  sacrifices,  which 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  49 


augmented  in  number  and  ferocity  until  the 
temples  became  veritable  charnel  houses.  With 
such  a  barbarous  religious  system  draining  their 
very  life's  blood  and  a  relentless  despotism 
daily  encroaching  on  their  liberties,  it  is  small 
wonder  that  Cortes  was  hailed  as  a  liberator 
by  the  subject  peoples  of  Mexico. 

The  name  of  Mexico  signifies  habitation  of 
the  god  of  war,  Mexitli — otherwise  known  as 
Huitzilopochtli.  The  name  Tenochtitlan  sig- 
nifies a  cactus  on  a  rock  1  and  was  given  to  the 
new  city  because  the  choice  of  the  site  was  de- 
cided by  the  augurs  beholding  an  eagle  perched 
upon  a  cactus  that  grew  on  a  rock,  and  holding 
a  serpent  in  its  talons.  The  emblem  of  the 
cactus  and  the  eagle  holding  a  serpent  became 
the  national  standard  of  Mexico  and  is  dis- 
played in  the  coat  of  arms  of  the  present 
Republic. 

The  two  islands  of  Tenochtitlan  and  Tlate- 
lolco  stood  in  the  salt  waters  of  the  lake  of 
Texcoco,  separated  from  one  another  by  a 
narrow  channel  of  water,  and  in  the  beginning 
Tlatelolco  had  its  separate  chief;  but  in  the 
reign  of  Axayacatl,  the  last  king  of  Tlatelolco, 

1  Both  Fernando  Ramirez  and  Eufemio  Mendoza  have 
pronounced  against  this  etymology  of  the  word:  another 
derivation  is  from  Tenoch,  the  chief  of  the  founders,  and 
tetl,  meaning  a  stone.  I  have  followed  Clavigero  (Storia 
del  Messico,  torn,  i.,  p.  168),  and  Prescott  (Conquest  of 
Mexico,  torn,  i.,  cap.  i). 


4 


5o  Fernando  Cortes 


called  Moquihuix,  was  overthrown,  and  the 
islands  afterwards  became  united  and  formed 
one  city  with  a  single  ruler.  The  city  was 
joined  to  the  mainland  by  three  great  causeways, 
so  solidly  built  of  earth  and  stone  and  having 
draw-bridges  to  span  the  canals  which  crossed 
them,  as  to  excite  the  admiration  of  the  Span- 
iards. The  northern  causeway,  from  the  Tlate- 
lolco  quarter,  extended  for  three  miles  to  Tepeac, 
where  stands  the  present  shrine  of  Guadelupe; 
the  causeway  reaching  to  Tlacopan  (Tacuba) 
was  two  miles  long  and  the  southern  road,  by 
which  the  Spaniards  entered,  extended  for  seven 
miles  to  Itztapalapan,  with  a  division  at  the  small 
fortress  of  Xoloc,  where  one  branch  diverged  to 
Coyohuacan  and  hence  caused  Cortes  to  men- 
tion four  causeways,  which,  strictly  speaking, 
was  correct.1  While  the  width  of  these  splen- 
did roads  varied,  Clavigero  says  that  all  were 
wide  enough  for  ten  horsemen  to  ride  abreast.2 
All  the  earlier  authorities  practically  agree 
in  numbering  the  city's  population  at  sixty  thou- 
sand households, — by  an  obvious  error  the  Anon- 
ymous Conqueror  speaks  of  sixty  thousand 
people  which  should,  of  course,  be  families. 
Zuazo,  Gomara,  Motolinia,  Peter  Martyr,  Clavi- 
gero, and  others  give  this  estimate,  hence  it  may 
be  safely  stated  that  the  city's  population  was 

1  Robertson  erroneously  speaks  of  a  causeway  leading 
to  Texcoco. 

2  Storia  del  Messico,  vol.  iii.,  lib.  ix. 


MEXICO  BEFORE  THE  CONQUEST  " 
FROM  "CORTES'S  LETTERS,"  PUBLISHED  IN  lfc,2 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  51 


not  less  than  three  hundred  thousand  souls. 
Very  contradictory  appreciations  of  the  beauty 
of  the  Aztec  capital,  the  grandeur  of  its  build- 
ings and  the  merits  of  its  architecture  have  been 
given  by  different  writers.  Preseott's  marvel- 
lous picture  of  the  ancient  city  is  familiar  to 
all  readers  of  American  history,  and  hardly  less 
well  known  and  rivalling  the  American  his- 
torian's delightful  pages,  are  the  chapters  of 
Sir  Arthur  Helps,  praised  by  Ruskin  for  their 
"  beautiful  quiet  English/'  in  which  he  com- 
pares Mexico  to  Thebes,  Nineveh,  and  Babylon, 
among  the  great  cities  of  antiquity  and  to  Con- 
stantinople, Venice,  and  Granada  among  those 
of  modern  times,  not  hesitating  to  declare  that 
it  was  "  at  that  time  the  fairest  in  the  world 
and  has  never  since  been  equalled.1 

The  distinguished  Mexican  scholar,  Senor 
Alaman,2  expresses  his  conviction  that  the  city 
of  Mexico  contained  no  buildings  of  beauty  or 
merit;  that,  aside  from  the  royal  palaces,  the 
rest  of  the  houses  were  adobe  huts,  among  which 
rose  the  squat,  truncated  pyramids  of  the  tem- 
ples, unlovely  to  behold,  decorated  with  rude 
sculptures  of  serpents  and  other  horrible  figures, 
and  having  heaps  of  human  skulls  piled  up  in 
their  courtyards.  He  sustains  this  dreary  appre- 
ciation by  the  argument  that  there  would  other- 
wise have  remained  some  fragments  of  former 

1  Hernan  Cortes,  p.  108. 

2  Disertaciones,  torn,  i.,  p.  184. 


52  Fernando  Cortes 


architectural  magnificence,  whereas,  there  is  ab- 
solutely nothing.  These  eminent  writers  seem 
unwilling  to  admit  that  Tenochtitlan  may  have 
been  a  wonderfully  beautiful  city  and,  at  the 
same  time,  have  possessed  few  imposing  buildings 
and  no  remarkable  architecture.  The  descrip- 
tions of  Mr.  Prescott  and  Sir  Arthur  Helps  are 
masterpieces  of  word-painting  that  charm  us, 
but  they  are  based  upon  early  descriptions,  in 
which  undue  importance  is  given  to  architect- 
ural features  of  the  city.  It  is,  as  Senor 
Alaman  remarks,  impossible  that  not  a  fragment 
of  column  or  capital,  statue  or  architrave,  should 
have  been  saved  to  attest  the  existence  of  great 
architectural  monuments,  even  though  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  men  were  diligently  en- 
gaged for  two  months  in  destroying  the  build- 
ings, filling  up  canals  with  the  debris,  and  that 
finally,  wThen  the  city  came  to  be  rebuilt,  many 
idols  and  other  large  fragments  of  temples, 
were  used  in  the  foundations  of  the  cathedral, 
which  rose  on  the  site  of  the  great  teocalli. 

Palaces,  such  as  Montezuma's  was  described 
by  the  Spaniards,  may  be  vast  in  extent,  with 
beautiful  courts,  gardens,  and  audience  halls; 
they  may  be  luxurious,  and  filled  with  curious 
and  beautiful  objects,  but  they  add  little  to  the 
picturesque  or  imposing  appearance  of  a  capital. 
The  temples  were  sufficiently  numerous,  but 
none  seem  to  have  been  lofty,  and  even  the 
principal  teocalli  had  but  one  hundred  and 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  53 


fourteen  steps,  so  that  its  height  was  only  re- 
markable by  comparison  with  the  great  stretch 
of  low,  flat-roofed  houses  about  it.  Cortes 
describes  to  Charles  V.  the  destruction  of  the 
city  day  by  day,  which  he  sincerely  deplored  as 
necessary  to  subdue  it,  but  he  does  not  mention 
any  one  building  which  he  sought  to  save  or 
whose  destruction  caused  him  special  regret,  as 
he  must  infallibly  have  done  had  he  been  burn- 
ing an  Alhambra  or  a  Doge's  palace,  or  been 
forced  to  blow  up  a  Santa  Sophia.  It  seems 
impossible  that  any  one  should  seriously  pre- 
tend that  the  waters  of  Texcoco's  lake  mirrored 
such  fagades  as  are  reflected  in  the  canals  of 
Venice,  or  that  there  was  a  Rialto  among  the 
bridges,  so  hotly  contested  by  the  Spaniards. 
Orozco  y  Berra  wisely  reproves  the  comparison 
which  Alaman  draws  between  Mexico  and  Rome, 
as  notoriously  unjust.  But  between  the  daz- 
zling word-pictures  of  Prescott  and  Helps  on 
the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other,  Alaman's  de- 
pressing sketch  of  a  squalid  town  of  hovels, 
inhabited  by  bloodthirsty  cannibals,  there  is  still 
room  for  a  beautiful  city  in  which  dwelt  a 
sovereign,  amidst  surroundings  of  interesting 
splendour.1 

1  An  entire  school  of  present  day  investigators  rejects 
the  descriptions  of  Mexico,  given  by  the  early  writers  as 
entirely  fanciful,  and  asserts  that  the  city  presented  few 
points  of  superiority  to  an  ordinary  Indian  pueblo  of  New 
Mexico  or  Arizona.    Repudiation  of  what  has  come  down 


54  Fernando  Cortes 


Even  without  conscious  intention  to  mislead, 
it  was  inevitable  that  the  Spaniards  should  fall 
into  exaggeration  in  describing  the  city  of  Mex- 
ico: first,  because  they  necessarily  used  the 
same  terms  to  portray  what  they  saw,  as  they 
would  have  used  in  describing  Rome,  Paris,  or 
Constantinople;  second,  because  the  contrast 
between  such  Indian  towns  as  they  had  seen 
and  the  capital  was  undoubtedly  very  great, 
and  their  long  years  of  rough  life,  perilous  voy- 
ages, and  the  absence,  at  times,  even  of  shelter 
from  the  elements,  made  any  large  town  where 
some  system  of  order  reigned  and  where  there 
were  houses  having  court-yards,  gardens,  and 
embroidered  hangings,  seem  worthy  to  be  com- 
pared with  great  cities,  elsewhere  seen,  and 
dimly  remembered;  and,  lastly,  because  Mexico 
was  unquestionably  a  very  beautiful  city.  It 
could  hardly  be  otherwise  in  such  a  situation, 
and  the  Spaniards,  not  stopping  to  analyse 
wherein  its  charms  lay,  fell  into  the  easy  error 
of  attributing  them  to  architectural  excellence 
and  grandeur,  which  were  really  wanting. 

The  very  ignorance  and  naivete  of  the  con- 
querors are  good  warrants  for  the  truth  of  much 


to  us  from  numerous  observers,  who  contradicted  one  an- 
other about  almost  everything  else  but  were  in  general 
accord  concerning  the  aspect  of  the  capital,  its  arts  and 
degree  of  civilisation,  assumes  the  existence  of  something 
resembling  a  conspiracy  of  misrepresentation  among  the 
early  Spanish  writers. 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  55 


that  they  wrote,  for,  as  they  were  illiterate 
men  (even  Cortes  had  but  a  scanty  store  of 
learning  gathered  during  his  brief  course  of 
two  careless  years  at  Salamanca)  devoid  of  suffi- 
cient knowledge  to  invent  and  describe  the 
Mexican  laws,  customs,  religion,  and  institu- 
tions, the  facts  they  state  and  in  which  they 
agree,  are  indubitable.  The  Aztec  Empire  pos- 
sessed some  highly  developed  institutions;  to 
mention  but  one,  there  was  the  system  of  couri- 
ers or  the  post,  which  kept  up  daily  and  rapid 
communications  between  the  capital  and  the 
provinces,  and  that,  at  a  time,  when  no  country 
in  Europe  possessed  anything  equalling  it. 
Their  religion  was  established  with  a  regular 
hierarchy,  and  a  calendar  of  festivals,  which 
wrere  observed  with  a  really  admirable  ritual, 
marred  only  by  the  barbarity  of  certain  rites. 
Their  deities  were  gloomy  and  ferocious;  fear 
was  the  motive  of  worship,  human  sacrifice  the 
only  means  of  placating  the  gods,  and  thus  relig- 
ion, which  should  soften  and  humanise  manners 
and  elevate  character,  was  engulfed  in  a  dread- 
ful superstition  that  held  the  nation  in  a  state 
of  permanent  degradation,  with  the  result  that 
the  most  civilised  amongst  the  Indians  of  North 
America  w^ere,  at  the  same  time,  the  most  bar- 
barous. The  perfect  ordering  of  this  system 
impressed  the  Spaniards,  while  its  awful  rites 
horrified  them. 

The  state  was  well  ordered,  and  in  many 


56 


Fernando  Cortes 


respects  was  governed  according  to  wise  and 
enlightened  standards.  The  rights  of  private 
property  were  recognised  and  respected,  its 
transfer  being  effected  by  sale  or  inheritance. 
All  free  men  were  land-owners,  either  by  ab- 
solute possession  or  by  usufruct  derived  from 
holding  some  public  office  in  the  state,  and  these 
composed  the  nobility ;  others  held  land  in  com- 
munity, parcels  being  allotted  to  a  given  number 
of  families  whose  members  worked  them  in 
common  and  shared  their  produce  equitably. 
Taxes  were  levied  according  to  an  established 
system  and  were  paid  in  kind,  thus  filling  the 
government  store-houses  with  vast  accumula- 
tions of  all  the  products  of  the  empire.  Justice 
was  administered  by  regularly  appointed  judges, 
who  interpreted  the  laws  and  exercised  juris- 
diction in  their  respective  districts. 

The  city  possessed  two  large  market-places, 
where  all  the  natural  and  manufactured  pro- 
ducts of  the  country  were  brought  for  exchange. 
Cortes's  description  of  the  regulations  govern- 
ing these  markets  contained  in  his  Second  Letter 
of  Relation  to  Charles  V.  reads  not  unlike  an 
account  of  the  great  fair  of  Nishni-Novgorod, 
even  in  our  times.  The  streets  were  regularly 
cleaned,  lighted  by  fires  at  night  and  patrolled 
by  police;  public  sanitary  arrangements  were 
provided  and  the  city  was  probably  more  spa- 
cious, cleaner,  and  healthier  than  any  European 
town  of  that  time.    Public  charity  provided 


MEXICAN  CALENDAR  STONE 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  57 

hospitals  for  the  sick  and  aged  and  these  insti- 
tutions were  in  charge  of  the  same  clergy  who 
murdered  and  devoured  their  fellow-men ! 

Separate  arts  and  trades  flourished,  and  the 
metal-workers,  lapidaries,  weavers,  and  others 
perfected  themselves  by  a  regular  system  of 
instruction  and  apprenticeship  pretty  much  as 
in  the  guilds  of  Europe.  The  great  public 
works,  such  as  the  causeways,  aqueducts,  canals 
with  locks  and  bridges,  were  admirably  con- 
structed and,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
capital,  were  numerous.  There  was  a  fair  know- 
ledge of  the  medicinal  and  curative  properties 
of  herbs,  barks,  roots,  and  plants  though,  if  the 
medicine  men  were  skilled  in  the  use  of  poisons, 
it  seems  strange  that  they  did  not  rid  themselves 
of  the  hungry  invaders  of  their  country  at  some 
of  the  feasts  that  were  constantly  offered  them. 

In  the  arts,  the  lapidaries,  feather  workers, 
and  silversmits  produced  the  best  work.  Mex- 
ican paintings,  judged  as  works  of  art,  are  crude 
and  primitive  enough,  but  their  real  value  and 
interest  lie  in  the  fact  that  they  are  chronicles 
in  picture-writing,  of  which,  unfortunately,  too 
few  have  been  preserved;  ideas  were  rarely  and 
imperfectly  represented  by  this  method,  which 
was  only  serviceable  for  recording  material  facts. 
Music  was  the  least  developed  of  all  the  arts. 
Their  solar  system  was  more  correct  than  that 
of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  The  year  was  di- 
vided into  eighteen  months,  of  twenty  days  each, 


58  Fernando  Cortes 


with  five  complementary  days  added,  which  were 
holidays,  but  were  considered  unlucky,  especially 
as  birthdays.1  There  were  regularly  graduated 
social  classes,  the  lowest  being  composed  of 
peasant-serfs,  called  mayeques,  who  were  bound 
to  the  land;  above  them  came  ascending  grades 
until  we  reach  the  emperor  at  the  top  of  all. 
Three  features  characteristic  of  the  feudal  sys- 
tem everywhere,  were  found.  An  overlord  su- 
preme in  the  central  government,  whose  standard 
all  followed  in  war  and  whose  authority  and 
person  were  regarded  as  semi-divine.  Prac- 
tically independent  nobles  or  chiefs  of  tribes, 
levying  their  own  taxes,  holding  peoples  and 
cities  in  subjection,  transmitting  their  titles  by 
right  of  inheritance  and  ready  to  contend  with 
the  emperor  himself  on  questions  of  etiquette 
and  precedence.  Many  of  them  were  his  kins- 
men and  all  wrere  allied  amongst  themselves, 
thus  forming  an  aristocracy  of  rank  and  power. 
Finally,  a  people  reduced  to  practical  serfage. 

Sumptuary  laws  prescribed  the  dress  of  the 
different  orders,  and  the  regulations  governing 
court-dress  for  different  occasions  were  rigidly 
enforced;  all  removed  their  sandals  in  the  em- 
peror's presence,  and  even  the  greatest  nobles 
covered  their  ornaments  with  a  plain  mantle 
when  they  appeared  before  him.  The  Aztec 
language  was  extremely  polite  and  contained, 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  Hist.  Antigua,  lib.  iv. 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  59 


not  only  titles,  but  many  ceremonious  phrases 
of  respect,  and  expressions  of  courtesy  and  de- 
ference. The  crown  descended  in  the  same  fam- 
ily, but  a  council  of  six  electors,  chosen  during 
the  life-time  of  the  sovereign,  met  immediately 
after  his  death  and  elected  a  successor  from 
among  the  eligible  princes  of  the  royal  family. 

Alongside  these  indications  of  an  advanced 
civilisation  are  found  several  others  which  show 
a  nation  still  in  its  infancy.  They  did  not 
know  the  use  of  wax  or  oil  for  lighting  purposes 
and  they  used  no  milk.  They  had  no  coinage; 
cacao  nuts  were  commonly  used  as  a  standard 
of  value  and  also  gold  dust,  put  up  in  quills, 
but  usually  commodities  were  exchanged.  Saha- 
gun  mentions  a  sort  of  coin  which  the  Mexicans 
called  qtiahtli  or  eagle,  but  he  does  not  describe 
it.  Montezuma  paid  his  losses  at  play  with  the 
Spaniards,  in  chips  of  gold,  each  of  the  value 
of  fifty  ducats;  this  piece  was  called  tejtiele  but 
it  does  not  certainly  appear  to  have  been  a  coin. 
There  was  no  system  of  phonetic  writing.  They 
kept  no  domestic  animals  save  rabbits,  turkeys, 
and  little  dogs,  all  of  which  they  ate.  Their 
only  cereal  was  maize  and  they  had  no  beasts 
of  burden.  They  knew  neither  iron,  nor  tin, 
nor  lead,  though  the  mountains  were  full  of 
them,  and  their  only  hard  metal  was  copper. 

Even  from  the  summary  and  incomplete  in- 
dications here  given,  it  may  be  seen  that  the 
Aztec   state   possessed   many   excellent  insti- 


6o  Fernando  Cortes 


tutions  and  the  elements  of  an  advanced  civili- 
sation and,  despite  the  coexistence  of  certain 
limitations  which  have  led  some  to  doubt  the 
development  claimed  for  them,  our  interest  in 
the  origin  and  history  of  the  mysterious  races 
of  Ankhuac  is  stimulated  to  wonder  and  admira- 
tion, for  what  we  do  know  of  their  empire,  and 
to  boundless  regret  for  the  disappearance  of  all, 
save  the  few  vestiges  which  remain  to  excite  a 
curiosity  they  are  inadequate  to  appease. 

It  is  not  required  to  endow  Mexico  with  "  the 
glory  that  was  Greece  and  the  grandeur  that 
was  Rome/'  in  order  to  admit  that  it  was 
beautiful. 

In  the  year  1519  when  Cortes  undertook  the 
invasion  and  conquest  of  this  empire,  its  throne 
was  occupied  by  Montezuma  Xocoyotzin,  one  of 
the  six  sons  of  the  King  Axayacatl,  who  was 
unanimously  chosen  by  the  electors  to  succeed 
his  uncle,  Ahuitzotl.  The  eligible  princes,  in 
that  instance,  were  his  own  five  brothers  and 
the  seven  sons  of  the  deceased  emperor. 
Montezuma  II.  assumed  the  appelation  of 
Xocoyotzin  upon  his  accession,  signifying 
"  younger,"  to  distinguish  him  from  the  elder, 
Montezuma  Ilhuicamina.  Prescott  gives  his 
age  as  twenty-three  at  the  time  of  the  election, 
in  1502,  but  I  prefer  to  follow  the  authority  of 
the  Tezozomoc  MS.  given  in  Orozco  y  Berra, 
which  states  that  he  was  born  in  1468  and  was 
hence  thirty-four  years  old. 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  61 


His  early  career  was  that  of  a  successful 
soldier,  from  which  he  passed  into  the  priest- 
hood, rising  to  the  high  grade  of  pontiff.  At 
that  time  he  was  held  in  great  veneration  by  the 
people  as  one  who  received  revelations  from  the 
gods,  and  his  strict  life  was  a  model  to  his 
fellows.  It  is  related  that,  when  the  news  of 
his  election  to  the  imperial  throne  was  brought 
to  him,  he  was  found  sweeping  the  steps  of  the 
temple  whose  altars  he  served.  His  tempera- 
ment was  theocratic,  he  ruled  sternly,  and  ill- 
brooked  opposition  or  even  counsel,  but  he  was 
princely  in  recompensing  faithful  service.  He 
had  greatly  embellished  his  capital,  but  the 
liberality  that  built  an  aqueduct,  an  hospital, 
and  new  temples  in  the  city,  cost  the  subject  pro- 
vinces dear,  and  Montezuma,  being  both  despotic 
and  a  heavy  tax-levier,  was  more  feared  than 
loved  by  his  people  and  allies.  Loving  order, 
he  understood  the  science  of  government,  but 
his  finer  qualities  were  marred  by  his  inordinate 
pride,  and  most  of  all  by  the  ferocious  supersti- 
tion which  finally  lost  him  his  throne  and  his 
life. 

The  appearance  of  the  ships  of  Cordoba  and 
Grijalba,  and  the  fighting  in  Yucatan  were 
quickly  reported  to  Montezuma,  whose  super- 
stitious mind  was  so  effected  by  events  in  which 
he  saw  the  disasters  to  himself  and  his  people 
foretold  by  Quetzalcoatl,  that  his  first  impulse 
was  to  save  himself  by  some  enchantment  or 


62 


Fernando  Cortes 


incantation  which  should  translate  him  to 
the  abode,  or  Walhalla,  of  the  famous  kings  and 
demi-gods  of  antiquity.  The  simultaneous  ap- 
parition of  a  great  comet  in  the  sky,  confirmed 
these  forebodings  and  he  gave  himself  entirely 
into  the  hands  of  his  diviners  or  necromancers, 
who  exercised  all  their  resources  of  interpreting 
dreams,  reading  signs  in  natural  phenomena 
and  studying  the  heavens,  to  obtain  directions 
for  their  sovereign  in  his  perplexity.  Many, 
whose  dreams  presaged  evil,  were  starved  to 
death  or  put  to  tortures ;  a  reign  of  terror  set  in 
and  none  dared  to  speak  in  the  sovereign's  pres- 
ence, while  the  prisons  were  full  of  luckless  magi- 
cians, and  death  penalties  were  inflicted  even 
upon  their  families  in  the  provinces.1 

As  the  proofs  of  the  presence  of  the  white 
strangers  in  their  floating  houses  accumulated, 
despite  Montezuma's  reluctance  to  believe  the 
reports  which  were  repeatedly  brought  to  him, 
he  fell  into  a  state  of  profound  depression 
and,  despairing  of  warding  off  the  ominous 
visitors,  he  ordered  costly  gifts  to  be  especially 
made,  and  he  sent  two  envoys,  Teutlamacazqui 
and  Cuitlalpitoc  to  Pinotl,  governor  of  Cuet- 
lachtla,  commanding  him  to  provide  in  every  way 
for  the  reception  and  entertainment  of  the  sup- 
posed celestial  guests.  After  the  departure  of 
Grijalba's  men,  the  fears  of  Montezuma  some 

1  Duran,  cap.  lviii.  Tezozomoc  apud  Orozco  y  Berra, 
torn,  iv.,  cap.  ii. 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  63 

what  subsided  and  he  persuaded  himself  that 
he  had  staved  off  the  impending  disaster.  The 
governor  of  the  coast  provinces,  however,  had 
strict  orders  to  keep  watch  and  to  immediately 
report  any  further  appearance  of  the  fearsome 
strangers. 

The  way  for  the  conquest  was  already  pre- 
pared and  both  the  Aztec  historians  and  the 
earliest  Spanish  authorities  record,  that  for 
a  number  of  years  the  belief  that  the  hour  of  the 
empire's  dissolution  was  at  hand,  had  been 
steadily  gaining  ground,  promoted  by  several 
events  which  were  regarded  as  supernatural 
warnings  of  the  approaching  downfall.  The 
lake  of  Texcoco  had  risen  suddenly  in  1510  and 
inundated  the  city,  without  any  visible  cause 
or  accompanying  earthquakes  or  tempest;  one 
of  the  towers  of  the  great  toecalli  was  destroyed 
in  1511  by  a  mysterious  conflagration,  that  re- 
sisted all  efforts  to  extinguish  it ;  comets,  strange 
lights  in  the  skies,  accompanied  by  shooting- 
stars  and  weird  noises  were  all  interpreted  by 
the  astrologers  as  portents  of  gloomy  presage. 
The  miraculous  resurrection,  three  days  after 
her  death,  of  the  princess  Papantzin,  Monte- 
zuma's sister,  who  brought  him  a  prophetic 
warning  from  her  tomb,  is  reported  at  length 
by  Clavigero.1  Legal  proofs  of  this  event,  which 
occurred  in  1509,  were  afterwards  forwarded  to 

1  Storia  del  Messico,  vol.  i.,  p.  289. 


64  Fernando  Cortes 


the  court  of  Rome.  The  princess  is  said  to  have 
lived  for  many  years  afterwards  and  to  have 
been  the  first  person  to  receive  Christian  bap- 
tism in  Tlatelolco  (1524),  being  henceforth 
known  as  Dona  Ana  Papantzin.  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  exact  nature  of  this-  occurrence, 
the  reported  miracle  doubtless  rests  upon  some 
fact  which  was  interpreted  by  the  Mexicans  as 
supernatural. 

Quetzalcoatl,  whose  dark  prophecy  above  re- 
ferred to,  cast  a  shadow  of  apprehension  over 
the  glory  of  the  Aztec  sovereignty,  was  a  Toltec 
deity,  and  was  venerated  as  the  god  of  the  air, 
more  especially  identified  with  the  east  wind 
that  brought  the  fertilising  rains.  He  figures 
in  different  times  and  places,  as  a  mortal  man, 
a  deified  legislator  and  as  a  primitive  divinity, 
thus  rendering  it  difficult  to  separate  the  my- 
thical from  the  real  in  his  history.  In  Yucatan 
he  was  known  under  the  name  of  Kulculcan, 
the  etymology  of  which  is  identical  in  meaning 
with  Quetzalli'Cohuatl,  signifying  a  plumed  ser- 
pent. The  story  of  his  residence  amongst  the 
Toltecs  relates  that  he  appeared  as  the  chief 
of  a  band  of  strangers  coming  from  unknown 
parts.  He  was  larger  than  the  Toltec  men, 
white-faced  and  bearded.  He  wore  a  long  white 
tunic,  on  which  were  black  or  dark-red  crosses, 
which  sounds  something  like  a  pallium.  He 
taught  the  new  religious  virtues  of  chastity, 
charity,  and  penance;  his  religion  was  mono- 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  65 


theistic,  and  he  condemned  war  and  forbade 
human  sacrifices.  He  instructed  the  natives  in 
the  arts  of  agriculture,  architecture,  metal  work, 
and  mechanics;  he  also  brought  the  Toltec 
calendar  to  the  degree  of  perfection  in  which 
it  was  found  among  the  Aztecs.  The  halcyon 
period  of  peace  and  plenty  initiated  by  his  bene- 
ficient  influence  came  to  a  mysteriously  sudden 
end  and  Quetzatcoatl  left  Tollan,  accompanied 
by  a  small  band  of  followers,  for  Cholula.  There 
he  remained  for  a  period  of  twenty  years,  after 
which  he  descended  towards  the  seacoast  where, 
according  to  one  legend,  the  waves  opened  be- 
fore his  steps  to  allow  him  to  pass,  while 
according  to  another,  he  seated  himself  upon  a 
raft  composed  of  serpents  and,  spreading  his 
mantle  as  a  sail,  was  wafted  away  to  the  un- 
known east.  A  third  version  of  his  end  repre- 
sents him  as  ascending  his  own  funeral  pyre, 
and  as  the  flames  and  smoke  rose,  his  heart  in 
the  form  of  a  star  was  seen  to  mount  into  the 
skies  where  it  became  the  planet  Venus. 

The  identity  of  Quetzalcoatl  remains  an  un- 
solved mystery.  So  numerous  and  striking  were 
the  analogies  to  Christian  teachings  presented 
by  the  Mexican  beliefs  and  ritual,  that  the  con- 
viction has  obtained  amongst  many,  that  this 
mysterious  personage  was  no  other  than  a 
Christian  priest  or  bishop.  The  Mexican  tra- 
ditions concerning  his  appearance  amongst  the 
Toltecs,  his  teachings,  his  miracles,  and  his 
5 


66 


Fernando  Cortes 


final  disappearance,  seem  to  be  hopelessly  inter- 
woven with,  legends  of  other  deities;  his  per- 
sonality became  merged  in  that  of  other  myth- 
ical characters,  with  a  plumed  serpent  for  his 
emblem;  but  there  still  remained  a  sufficient 
number  of  intelligible  and  authentic  doctrines 
and  practices  traceable  to  him,  to  argue  their 
Christian  origin.  Quetzalcoatl  was  feared  by 
the  Aztecs  because  of  the  wide-spread  belief  in 
the  prophecy  attributed  to  him,  that  one  day 
he,  or  his  descendants,  would  return  to  reclaim 
his  rightful  heritage  and  establish  his  dominion 
over  the  land.  He  was  to  return  as  an  avenger, 
hence  the  object  of  the  cult  paid  him  was  to 
propitiate  his  wrath,  though  the  rites  celebrated 
in  his  honour  did  violence  to  his  humane  teach- 
ings. The  description  of  the  bearded  wrhite  men 
who  had  arrived  on  his  coasts  in  winged  and 
floating  houses,  persuaded  Montezuma  that  the 
second  coming  of  Quetzalcoatl  was  at  hand. 
Within  the  inflexible  circuit  of  his  superstitions, 
his  tormented  soul  turned  and  turned  in  hope- 
less perplexity.  Restrained  by  his  fears,  he  did 
not  dare  to  use  his  power  to  crush  the  handful 
of  strangers  who  troubled  the  peace  of  his 
realm.  His  royal  allies  and  nobles  were  called 
into  daily  council  from  which  no  decision  issued. 
The  greater  number  were  of  the  opinion  that 
if  the  strangers  were  gods,  it  was  useless  to 
resist  them;  if  they  came  as  envoys  of  a  foreign 
sovereign,  they  should  be  received  as  such,  while 


Montezuma  and  His  Empire  67 


if  they  showed  hostile  intentions,  they  could  be 
easily  crushed  at  the  emperor's  convenience. 
Only  Cuitlahuac,  the  lord  of  Xtztapalapan,  with 
prophetic  foresight  dissented  from  this  view  and 
urged  the  immediate  destruction  of  the  unbidden 
guests  before  they  could  work  the  nation  any 
evil. 


CHAPTER  III 


ALLIES  OF  THE  SPANIARDS 


Arrival  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua — Marina — Embassies  from 
Montezuma — Founding  of  Vera  Cruz — At  Cempoalla 
Missionary  Methods 


OUR  days  were  employed  by  the  voyage 


A  from  Tabasco  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  during 
which  time  those  of  the  officers  and  men  who 
had  accompanied  the  previous  expeditions  along 
that  coast  under  Hernandez  de  Cordoba,  or 
Grijalba,  were  busy  recognising  and  pointing 
out  to  their  companions  the  different  places 
familiar  to  them. 

Puertocarrero  while  listening  to  these  remi- 
niscences recalled  an  old  ballad  of  Montesinos : 


1  Here  is  France,  Montesinos, 

And  here  the  city  of  Paris, 

Here  flow  the  waters  of  Duero, 

On  their  way  to  the  sea. 
A  popular  song  of  those  times,  which  is  published  in 
Duran's  Romances  Caballerescos  y  Historicos. 


Cata  Francia,  Montesinos, 
Cata  Paris  la  Ciudad, 
Cata  las  aguas  del  Duero, 
Do  van  k  dar  en  la  mar.1 


63 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  69 


Turning  to  Cortes  lie  added :  "  But  I  say,  you 
should  look  for  rich  lands  and  know  how  to 
rule  them."  Cortes  answered :  "  May  God  give 
us  such  fortune  in  warfare  as  to  the  paladin 
Roland,  and  as  for  the  rest,  with  such  knights 
as  you  and  these  gentlemen  for  my  companions, 
I  shall  know  very  well  what  to  do." 

The  ships  cast  anchor  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
on  Holy  Thursday  the  twenty-first  of  April  at 
midday.1  The  pilot  Alaminos  chose  a  favour- 
able anchorage,  where  the  vessels  would  be 
protected  from  the  norther,  a  wind  much  dreaded 
of  mariners  on  those  seas.  Many  Indians  were 
seen  crowding  the  shores,  and  within  half  an 
hour  two  large  canoes  filled  with  people  put  off 
and  approached  the  commander's  ship.  They 
asked  by  signs  to  see  the  chief,  for  Aguilar 
knew  no  Mexican,  and  the  Maya  tongue  was 
not  intelligible  to  the  Indians.  The  Spaniards 
made  out  that  their  visitors  had  been  sent  by 
the  governor  of  the  province  to  inquire  who 
they  were  and  whether  they  intended  to  remain 
there  or  to  proceed  farther.  The  Indians  were 
invited  on  board  and  regaled  with  food  and 
wine,  and  it  was  explained  to  them  that  the 
Spaniards  would  land  the  following  day;  the 
visit  concluded  with  a  friendly  exchange  of 
the  usual  presents  and  the  natives  left  as  they 
had  come.2 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xxxvi. 

2  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  xxv. ;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap  xxxviii. 


70  Fernando  Cortes 


On  Good  Friday  the  Spaniards  landed  and 
formed  a  camp.  The  land  along  the  coast  was 
level,  save  for  some  low  hills  formed  by  the 
drifting  sands  that  were  constantly  shifted  by 
the  frequent  northers.  Cortes  placed  his  bat- 
teries in  such  wise  as  to  defend  his  camp 
from  possible  attack,  though  the  Indians  were 
most  friendly  and  helped  his  men  in  building 
huts,  felling  trees,  and  other  necessary  labour, 
besides  supplying  woven  mats,  cotton  hangings, 
and  carpets  of  their  own  manufacture.  The 
site  was  a  badly  chosen  one,  for  it  was  low 
and  was  surrounded  by  stagnant  swamps  that 
bred  malaria.  Another  pest,  from  which  there 
was  no  escape  by  day  or  night,  was  the  insects. 
Every  creature  that  crawls  or  flies,  or  buzzes, 
bites  and  stings,  infested  the  coast.  The  na- 
tives supplied  the  camp  with  turkeys,  fish,  and 
various  dishes  of  their  own  cooking,  besides 
fruits  and  vegetables  of  the  country,  some  of 
which  the  Spaniards  tasted  for  the  first  time. 

On  Easter  Sunday,  an  embassy  from  Monte- 
zuma, composed  of  Teuhtlili,  the  governor  of 
Cuetlaxtla,  and  Cuitlalpitoc,  who  had  before 
visited  Grijalba  in  the  same  capacity,  arrived 
in  the  camp.  About  four  thousand  persons, 
including  some  men  of  rank  and  the  attendants 
who  carried  Montezuma's  gifts  to  Cortes,  ac- 
companied the  envoys.  Approaching  Cortes 
with  much  ceremony  the  ambassadors  salaamed 
three  times,  after  their  fashion,  touching  the 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  71 


earth  with  their  hands  and  afterwards  kissing 
them ;  they  next  incensed  him,  an  act  of  homage 
they  offered  to  their  deities,  their  sovereign, 
and  to  persons  of  the  very  highest  rank.  Cortes 
responded  becomingly  to  these  demonstrations 
of  respect,  but  before  beginning  to  treat  with 
the  envoys,  Fray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo  said 
mass,  at  which  the  Aztecs  assisted  with  grave 
interest. 

Difficulty  had  already  been  experienced  in 
communicating  with  the  men  who  had  visited 
the  ships  three  days  before,  as  Geronimo  de 
Aguilar  was  unable  to  comprehend  the  Mexican 
speech.  It  was  opportunely  discovered  that 
one  of  the  slave  women  presented  by  the  cacique 
of  Tabasco  was  a  native  Mexican,  and,  having 
been  in  captivity  in  that  province,  she  could 
speak  the  Maya  language.  She  was  thus  able 
to  understand  Aguilar,  who,  in  turn,  trans- 
lated into  Spanish  for  Cortes.  This  woman, 
Marina  by  name,  was  the  daughter  of  a  chieftain 
of  Painalla,  whose  unnatural  mother  had  con- 
tracted a  second  marriage  after  her  first  hus- 
band's death  and  had  consented  to  sell  her 
daughter  into  slavery  in  order  to  transfer  her 
inheritance  to  a  son  of  her  second  marriage. 
Marina  was  delivered  to  some  traders  of  Xical- 
ango,  who  afterwards  sold  her  in  the  province 
of  Tabasco.  Her  family  name  was  Tenepal  and 
her  Indian  name,  Malinal,  was  derived  from 
Malinalli  which  is  the  sign  of  the  twelfth  day 


72  Fernando  Cortes 


of  the  Mexican  month;  thus  her  Christian  name 
in  baptism,  Marina,  was  really  derived  from, 
or  suggested  by,  her  original  Indian  name.  As 
the  Indians  could  not  pronounce  the  letter  R 
there  was  practically  no  change  of  name,  save 
that  in  her  new  and  important  position  they 
gave  her  the  tzin,  which  was  a  title  of  respect, 
and  henceforth  she  was  called  Malintzin.  The 
Spaniards  corrupted  this  into  Malinche  and 
Cortes  became  universally  known  as  the  captain 
of  Malinche.  In  the  distribution  of  women  at 
Tabasco,  Marina  had  fallen  to  Puertocarrero, 
but  when  her  value  as  an  interpreter  was  dis- 
covered, she  was  promoted  to  the  tent  of  Cortes, 
and  Puertocarrero  left  shortly  afterwards  for 
Spain  bearing  the  first  letters  and  gifts  to  the 
Emperor.  Marina  became  indispensable  and 
all-powerful.  She  was  unusually  intelligent 
and  quickly  learned  Castilian,  so  that  Aguilar's 
intervention  was  no  longer  required  and  she 
alone  acted  as  intermediary  between  the  Span- 
iards and  the  Mexicans.  She  dispensed  peace 
or  war  at  her  pleasure  and  held  the  fate  of 
both  parties  in  her  hand.  How  faithfully  and 
disinterestedly  she  played  her  part,  we  have  no 
means  of  judging.  She  gave  herself  entirely  to 
the  Spaniards  and  was  devotedly  attached  to 
Cortes,  but  whether  she  dealt  fairly  with  the 
Indians  in  her  handling  of  the  important  nego- 
tiations she  conducted,  may  be  doubted.  Ber- 
nal  Diaz  declares  that  she  was  so  capable  that 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards 


73 


they  all  held  her  to  be  like  no  other  woman 
on  earth,  and  that  they  never  detected  the 
smallest  feminine  weakness  in  her.1 

On  the  memorable  occasion  of  the  first  inter- 
view between  Cortes  and  the  envoys  of  Monte- 
zuma, Marina  was  instructed  to  explain  that 
the  Spaniards  were  subjects  of  the  greatest  and 
most  powerful  sovereign  in  the  world,  by  name 
Don  Carlos,  whom  many  kings  and  princes  held 
it  an  honour  to  serve  as  his  vassals.  As  their 
monarch  had  long  known  of  Montezuma's  great- 
ness, he  had  finally  sent  his  envoy  to  enter  into 
friendly  relations  with  him,  and  in  token  of 
his  good-will  had  sent  him  certain  gifts.  Cor- 
tes therefore  begged  that  Montezuma  would 
signify  when  and  where  he  would  receive  him. 

The  Aztec  envoys  listened  in  perplexed  sur- 
prise to  this  discourse,  and  to  the  request  for 
an  audience  Teuhtlili  somewhat  haughtily  ex- 
claimed :  "  You  have  hardly  arrived  here  and 
you  already  want  to  speak  to  the  Emperor. "  2 
He  then  signed  to  the  bearers  to  bring  forward 
the  gifts,  which  consisted  of  mantles  of  the 
finest  cotton  textures,  almost  rivalling  silk  in 
their  delicate  colouring  and  finish ;  articles  of 
the  marvellous  feather-work,  of  such  exquisite 
workmanship  that  it  was  hardly  distinguishable 

1  Hist.  Verdad.,  cap.  xxxvii.,  xxxviii. ;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist- 
toria  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxix.;  Diego  Camargo,  Historia  de 
Tlascala. 

2  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xxxviii. 


74  Fernando  Cortes 


from  the  finest  embroidery  or  painting,  and 
certain  ornaments  of  wrought  gold.  In  ex- 
change for  these  royal  presents,  Cortes  delivered 
to  the  ambassadors  a  carved  and  painted  arm- 
chair, a  crimson  cap,  on  which  was  a  gold 
medal  of  St.  George  and  the  dragon,  and  a  num- 
ber of  collars  and  other  ornaments  of  glass 
beads.  He  arranged  a  display  of  cavalry 
manoeuvres  and  caused  the  artillery  to  be  dis- 
charged, all  of  which  made  an  obvious  im- 
pression on  the  envoys.  There  were  several 
artists  present,  engaged  in  painting,  on  cloth, 
pictures  of  all  they  saw,  especially  the  portraits 
of  Cortes,  Marina,  and  the  negro  slaves,  to  be 
shown  to  Montezuma.  Teuhtlili  observed  that 
the  gilt  helmet  of  a  soldier  resembled  the  one 
worn  by  the  Aztec  war-god,  Huitzilopochtli,  and 
desired  that  Montezuma  should  see  it.  In  giv- 
ing it  to  him,  Cortes  asked  that  it  might  be 
returned  to  him  full  of  gold-dust,  to  be  sent  to 
his  sovereign  Charles  V.  Although  Teuhtlili 
discouraged  all  hope  of  Montezuma's  admitting 
Cortes  to  his  presence,  he  took  his  departure 
amicably,  promising  to  return  in  a  few  days 
with  the  monarch's  decision. 

Montezuma,  who  was  kept  informed  by  daily 
couriers  of  what  was  happening  in  the  Spanish 
camp,  still  hesitated  between  the  two  courses 
open  to  him.  He  continued  to  consult  magi- 
cians, whom  he  summoned  from  Yauhtepec, 
Cuauhnahuac,  Malinalco,  and  other  towns  of  his 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  75 


dominions,  but  the  oracles  delivered  by  these 
seers  appear  to  have  been  as  nebulous  as  such 
utterances  usually  are,  and  the  Emperor  ended 
by  adopting  two  conflicting  policies.  Fearing 
that  the  strangers,  whom  he  held  to  be  demi- 
gods, would  advance  to  his  capital  in  spite  of  his 
prohibition,  he  gave  orders  for  every  honour  to 
be  shown  them  and  for  all  their  wants  to  be 
generously  supplied.  Simultaneously,  he  di- 
rected the  magicians  to  proceed  to  the  coast 
and,  by  the  power  of  their  incantations,  to  turn 
the  invaders  from  their  purpose  and  influence 
them  to  quit  the  country.  The  journey  of  these 
gifted  men  proved  a  fruitless  expedition,  and  they 
returned  to  the  capital  to  report  that,  as  their 
charms  and  exorcisms  produced  no  effect,  the 
white  men  must  be  deities  of  a  very  superior 
order.1 

Meanwhile  Teuhtlili  also  returned  bringing 
the  presents  from  Cortes.  Upon  hearing  that 
the  latter  persisted  in  his  desire  to  visit  the 
capital,  Montezuma  was  more  than  ever  per- 
turbed, convinced  that  the  fulfilment  of  Quetz- 
alcoatPs  prophecy  was  at  hand.  The  only  one 
of  his  counsellors  who  still  advised  resistance 
was  Cuitlahuac,  lord  of  Itztapalapan,  who  pro- 
nounced these  prophetic  words :  "  It  seems  to 
me,  my  lord,  that  you  should  not  admit  to  your 
house  one  who  will  drive  you  out  of  it."  2  This 

1  Tezozomoc,  cap.  ex. ;  Duran,  cap.  lxxi. 

2  Ixtlilxochitl,  Historia  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxx. 


76  Fernando  Cortes 


counsel  prevailed  and  Teulitlili  was  again  de- 
spatched to  the  coast,  accompanied  this  time  by 
a  man  who  was  thought  to  bear  a  striking  re- 
semblance to  Cortes,  judging  from  the  pictures 
drawn  by  the  Emperor's  artists.  That  the  re- 
semblance existed  is  proven  by  the  fact  that, 
on  the  man's  appearance  in  camp,  the  Spaniards 
at  once  detected  and  commented  on  the  like- 
ness. Bernal  Diaz  calls  this  man  Quintalbor, 
but  he  became  later  known  as  the  Mexican 
Cortes. 

The  embassy  was  conducted  with  the  same 
formalities  and  was  accorded  the  same  reception 
as  on  the  former  visit.  More  presents  from 
Montezuma  were  offered,  amongst  which  two 
pieces  of  the  metal-worker's  craft  excited  special 
admiration.  One  was  a  golden  sun,  elaborately 
decorated  with  scroll  figures  and  representations 
of  certain  animals,  probably  the  signs  of  the 
Mexican  zodiac,  that  weighed  more  than  ten 
marks.  The  other  was  a  similar  piece  of  silver, 
representing  the  moon,  and  weighing  fifty 
marks.1  They  are  described  as  being  as  large 
around  as  carriage  wheels,  and  the  Spaniards 
estimated  their  value  at  twenty-five  thousand 

1  Senor  Clemencin,  sometime  secretary  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  History,  has  carefully  computed  the  values 
of  the  different  Spanish  coins  of  the  period.  The  castel- 
lano,  according  to  his  estimate,  was  equivalent  to  eleven 
dollars  and  sixty-seven  cents  of  American  money.  The 
silver  mark  was  equal  to  eight  ounces. 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  77 


castellanos'  worth  of  metal  alone,  exclusive  of 
the  marvellous  workmanship,  that  would  double 
their  value  in  any  market  of  Europe.1  The 
soldier's  gilt  helmet  was  also  returned  filled 
with  the  desired  gold-dust. 

The  message  from  Montezuma,  though  veiled 
in  smooth  language,  was  equivalent  to  a  posi- 
tive refusal  to  allow  the  Spaniards  to  approach 
his  capital.  He  professed  himself  highly  pleased 
to  have  news  of  such  a  great  monarch  as  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  to  enjoy  his  friendship  and, 
as  a  proof  of  his  satisfaction,  he  would  be  glad 
to  provide  the  Spaniards  with  everything  they 
required  as  long  as  they  remained  in  his  do- 
minions. Teuhtlili  concluded  by  saying,  that, 
as  Montezuma  could  neither  descend  to  the 
coast  nor  could  Cortes,  on  account  of  the  many 
obstacles  which  he  enumerated,  make  the  long 
and  perilous  voyage  to  the  capital,  it  would  be 
impossible  for  his  sovereign  to  receive  him. 

If  Montezuma  was  a  past  master  in  the  arts 
of  diplomacy,  Cortes  was  no  less  skilful  in  dis- 
simulating. He  accepted  the  presents,  giving 
some  of  his  usual  trifles  in  return,  and  quietly 
reiterated  his  demand  for  an  audience  of  the 
Aztec  sovereign.  He  reminded  Teuhtlili  that, 
having  crossed  so  many  leagues  of  ocean  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  delivering  his  King's  message, 

1  Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  v. ;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv., 
cap.  xvii.;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xxxix.;  Gomara,  cap.  xxvii.; 
First  Letter  of  Relation. 


78  Fernando  Cortes 


he  was  not  to  be  deterred  by  the  difficulties  of 
a  journey  overland  to  the  capital,  nor  would 
he  dare  to  return  without  having  accomplished 
the  mission  on  which  he  had  been  sent.  The 
unfortunate  envoy  reluctantly  agreed  to  carry 
this  message  to  Montezuma,  while  his  companion, 
Cuitlalpitoc,  remained  in  the  Spanish  camp  to 
superintend  the  daily  supply  of  necessary 
provisions. 

The  discomforts  of  the  camp  increased  as  the 
month  of  May  advanced,  and  some  thirty  men 
had  already  died.  Cortes  therefore  despatched 
Francisco  de  Montejo  and  the  pilots,  Anton  de 
Alaminos  and  Juan  Alvarez,  with  two  vessels, 
to  seek  a  more  sheltered  harbour  for  the  ships 
and  a  more  salubrious  site  for  a  permanent 
settlement.  During  the  ten  or  twelve  days' 
absence  of  this  expedition  a  most  significant 
and  illuminating  event  occurred  in  the  Spanish 
camp.  Prince  Ixtlilxochitl,  the  pretender  to 
the  throne  of  Texcoco,  secretly  sent  his  agents 
to  welcome  Cortes  and  offer  him  the  customary 
presents.  The  emissaries  of  the  ambitious  pre- 
tender acquainted  Cortes  with  the  discordant 
state  of  affairs  in  the  Aztec  empire,  soliciting 
his  help  to  overthrow  the  tyrant  and  liberate  the 
enslaved  peoples.1  Other  malcontents  also  fur- 
nished him,  at  this  time,  with  exact  informa- 
tion concerning  the  position  of  the  capital  and 

1  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxx. 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  79 


the  approaches  to  it,  explaining  to  him,  by 
means  of  ancient  picture-writings,  the  prophecy 
of  Quetzalcoatl,  and  voicing  the  complaints  of 
those  provinces  that  had  been  subjected  by  force 
to  Montezuma's  rule  and  only  waited  a  pro- 
pitious occasion  to  free  themselves  from  his 
oppression.1  With  consummate  patience,  Cortes 
collected  information  from  these  and  other 
sources  that  made  him  master  of  the  situation, 
and  his  plan  for  conquest  was  being  carefully 
and  sagaciously  formed  while  his  followers 
wrangled  over  the  division  of  the  spoils,  in- 
dulged in  desultory  trading  with  the  natives, 
and  were  absorbed  in  the  usual  trifling  occu- 
pations of  an  idle  camp. 

A  noticeable  change  took  place  in  the  dis- 
position of  the  Indians;  provisions  suddenly 
became  scarcer  and  dearer.  Within  eight  or 
ten  days  after  his  departure,  Teuhtlili  reap- 
peared bringing  more  presents  and  four  large 
green  stones  resembling  emeralds,  which  were 
highly  esteemed  by  the  natives,  but  were  of 
small  intrinsic  value.  Bernal  Diaz  estimated 
the  value  of  the  gold  brought  at  this  time,  at 
three  thousand  pesos.  The  message  from  Mon- 
tezuma was  a  flat  refusal  to  receive  Cortes  or 
to  permit  him  to  advance:  Montezuma  de- 
clined to  receive  or  send  any  further  messages 
on  the  subject. 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  Conquista  de  Mexico,  torn,  iv.,  p.  139. 


8o  Fernando  Cortes 


While  Teulitlili  was  in  camp,  the  Angelus 
rang  out,  and  the  Spaniards  uncovered  and 
knelt  to  recite  the  customary  prayers  before  the 
wooden  cross  they  had  set  up.  In  response  to 
the  envoy's  inquiry  as  to  the  meaning  of  this 
devotion,  Cortes  directed  Fray  Bartolome  to 
explain  the  doctrines  of  the  Catholic  faith  to 
the  Mexicans.  The  friar's  discourse  was  lucid 
and  exhaustive,  and  at  its  close  he  presented 
Teuhtlili  with  a  cross  and  a  small  image  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  and  Child,  which  he  asked  him 
to  deliver  to  Montezuma,  and  to  explain  to  the 
Emperor  the  sense  of  what  he  had  just  preached. 
Teuhtlili  promised  to  do  this  and  left  the  camp 
for  the  last  time  that  same  evening.  The  next 
morning  the  Spaniards  found  themselves  aban- 
doned, all  the  Indians  having  disappeared  in 
the  night,  leaving  them  destitute  of  provisions.1 

The  sudden  disappearance  of  the  Indians  from 
the  camp,  besides  cutting  off  the  supplies,  roused 
apprehensions  that  a  hostile  attack  was  im- 
minent. Strict  attention  was  paid  to  the  de- 
fences, and  the  Spaniards  were  constantly  on 
the  alert  against  a  possible  surprise.  Their 
fears  were  not  realised  however,  and  three  days 
after  the  departure  of  Teuhtlili,  five  strange 
Indians,  wearing  an  entirely  different  dress 
from  the  Mexicans,  appeared  in  camp  saying 

1  First  Letter  of  Relation :  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xi. ; 
Gomara,  cap.  xxvii.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xviii. 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  81 


they  belonged  to  the  tribe  or  nation  of  the  Toto- 
nacs  and  had  been  sent  from  their  chief  city 
of  Cempoalla  by  their  ruler  to  seek  the  friend- 
ship of  Cortes.  Two  of  the  five  spoke  the  Nahua 
or  Aztec  tongue,  so  the  conversation  was  carried 
on  through  Marina.  The  Totonacs  said  they 
would  have  come  sooner  but  for  fear  of  the 
Mexicans,  who  had  only  recently  conquered  their 
country  and  held  them  in  subjection.  They 
proposed  an  alliance  with  Cortes,  by  whose  aid 
they  hoped  to  throw  off  the  Mexican  yoke. 
Cortes  received  them  kindly,  listened  attentively 
to  all  they  told  him,  and,  after  informing  him- 
self concerning  the  exact  whereabouts  and  the 
resources  of  their  country,  he  dismissed  them 
with  presents  for  their  chief,  saying  he  would 
soon  come  to  Cempoalla  to  visit  them. 

Montejo  and  his  companions  had  returned 
after  an  absence  of  twelve  days,  and  reported 
that  they  had  found  a  better  harbour  and  a  more 
suitable  position  for  the  camp,  where  there 
was  plenty  of  fresh  water.  This  place  was  some 
twelve  leagues  to  the  north  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulua,  in  the  vicinity  of  a  town  called  Quiahu- 
iztla,  and  thither  Cortes  gave  orders  to  transport 
the  camp. 

This  order  was  not  received  with  unanimous 
approval,  and  proved  the  signal  for  an  outbreak 
of  the  dissension  that  had  for  some  time  been 
silently  brewing  in  the  camp.  The  men  were 
divided  into  two  parties,  one  of  which  was  in 

6 


82  Fernando  Cortes 


favour  of  scrupulously  fulfilling  the  instructions 
of  Diego  Velasquez  and  of  returning  to  Cuba 
with  what  treasure  they  had  collected.  The 
other  group,  though  doubtless  unconscious  of 
the  schemes  forming  in  the  brain  of  Cortes,  was 
in  favour  of  establishing  a  permanent  colony 
and,  in  any  event,  was  ready  to  follow  their 
commander.  The  position  of  Cortes  was  no 
easy  one;  even  the  valuable  spoil  he  had  col- 
lected, if  turned  over  to  Velasquez,  would  not 
suffice  to  appease  his  resentment,  while  such  a 
proceeding  would  leave  him  ruined,  both  in 
fortune  and  reputation.  The  glimpse  he  had 
obtained  of  the  wealth  of  Mexico,  and  his  in- 
creasing knowledge  of  the  weakness  of  Monte- 
zuma's state,  encouraged  a  daring  project  of 
conquest  which  he  hoped  to  successfully  carry 
out.  By  uniting  to  himself  all  the  rebellious 
and  discontented  elements  in  the  empire  and 
boldly  raising  the  standard  of  revolt,  native 
allies  would  flock  to  him. 

The  case  as  stated  by  the  partisans  of  Velas- 
quez was  the  common-sense  one.  They  claimed 
that  the  expedition  had  been  sent  by  the  gov- 
ernor's authority,  fitted  out  largely  with  his 
money,  for  certain  defined  purposes.  These 
purposes  had  been  achieved  as  far  as  it  was 
possible  to  accomplish  them  and,  thus  far,  his 
instructions  had  been  obeyed.  The  course  laid 
down  had  been  followed,  the  Spanish  prisoners 
in  Yucatan  had  been  found,  the  Gospel  had 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  83 


been  preached  in  various  places  to  the  natives, 
with  whom  profitable  trading  relations  were 
established,  and  they  had  amassed  an  imposing 
quantity  of  treasure  which  it  was  now  their 
duty  to  carry  back  to  Cuba.  They  urged  that 
thirty-five  men  were  dead  of  wounds  and  the 
pestilential  climate,  that  others  were  ill,  while 
all  were  without  provisions  and  exposed  to  the 
certainty  of  an  attack  by  the  Mexicans,  who 
had  doubtless  retired  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
uniting  an  overwhelming  force  to  crush  them. 
They  demanded  that  the  expedition  should 
return  to  Cuba  at  once. 

Cortes  replied  to  these  representations  with 
great  moderation.  His  opinion  was  that  they 
would  be  ill-advised  to  abandon  the  country  now 
that  they  had  obtained  a  foothold  in  it;  it  was 
necessary  to  explore  somewhat  farther,  so  as  to 
make  a  satisfactory  report  concerning  the  land, 
its  resources,  and  its  inhabitants.  As  for  the 
loss  of  thirty  odd  men,  he  reminded  them  that 
this  was  a  suprisingly  small  number,  since  in 
all  warfare  some  must  fall,  and  that  they  should 
rather  thank  God  for  His  protection.  The  want 
of  provisions  need  alarm  no  one,  for  there  was 
always  plenty  of  maize  in  the  fields  near  by. 
The  well-pondered  words  and  the  calm  manner 
of  the  leader  somewhat  tranquillised  the  grow- 
ing agitation  and  even  won  him  some  adherents; 
Puertocarrero,  the  Alvarado  brothers,  Olid,  Es- 
calante,  Avila,  and  Francisco  de  Lugo,  who 


84  Fernando  Cortes 


were  the  chief  partisans  of  Cortes,  worked 
secretly  amongst  the  soldiers  to  win  them  to 
their  views.  Their  principal  argument  was  an 
appeal  to  the  soldiers'  past  experience  of  the 
cupidity  of  Diego  Velasquez,  reminding  them 
that  he  invariably  took  the  lion's  share  of  every- 
thing for  himself,  leaving  the  men  who  had 
risked  their  lives  in  perilous  adventures  as  poor 
as  they  were  in  the  beginning.  This,  they  as- 
sured the  soldiers,  would  repeat  itself  if  they 
were  to  return  now  to  Cuba  with  the  treasure 
they  had  collected.  They  proposed,  therefore, 
that  a  permanent  settlement  should  be  founded, 
of  which  Cortes  should  be  elected  captain  by 
a  popular  vote.  The  partisans  of  Velasquez 
were  not  slow  to  hear  of  these  manoeuvres  and 
promptly  presented  themselves  in  a  body  before 
the  commander,  demanding  that  the  original 
instructions  of  the  governor  be  fulfilled  to  the 
letter.  Cortes  replied  that  he  would  on  no  ac- 
count disobey  his  superior's  orders,  and  forth- 
with commanded  the  ships  to  be  got  ready  for 
everybody  to  embark  the  next  day  for  Cuba. 

Such  ready  compliance  nonplussed  the  friends 
of  Velasquez  and  left  them  in  a  state  of  per- 
plexity, for,  having  so  easily  obtained  what  they 
asked,  they  were  no  longer  so  sure  that  they 
wanted  it.  The  adherents  of  Cortes  then  shifted 
their  ground.  They  held  a  conference  in  which 
it  was  declared  that,  as  Spaniards,  their  first 
duty  was  to  their  King;  as  they  already  held 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  85 


practical  possession,  in  the  royal  name,  of  a 
strip  of  rich  coast-land,  over  which  the  banner 
of  Castile  floated,  they  were  bound  to  secure  it 
and,  instead  of  returning  to  Cuba  where  Velas- 
quez and  Cortes  would  merely  divide  the  profits 
of  the  expedition  between  themselves,  they 
should  found  a  town  and  establish  the  King's 
jurisdiction  in  this  new  country.  They  forth- 
with entered  a  counter-protest  to  the  com- 
mander, declaring  that  the  service  of  God  and 
of  the  King  forbade  the  abandonment  of  the 
country,  and  formally  demanding  that  he,  as 
captain  of  the  expedition,  should  found  a  settle- 
ment and  name  the  necessary  municipal  officers 
from  amongst  them  according  to  Spanish  cus- 
tom; in  case  of  a  refusal,  their  intention  was 
to  denounce  him  to  the  King.  Cortes  deferred 
his  answer  until  the  following  day.  It  was 
difficult  for  the  opposing  party  to  combat  the 
high  patriotic  and  religious  stand  their  ad- 
versaries had  adroitly  taken,  nor  does  it  appear 
that  any  open  attempt  was  made  to  do  so.  The 
conversion  of  the  Indians  to  the  true  faith,  the 
extension  of  His  Majesty's  dominions — these 
were  high  purposes  which  it  would  ill-become 
good  Catholics  and  loyal  subjects  to  oppose. 

At  the  appointed  hour  on  the  following  day, 
the  last  act  of  this  historic  comedy  was  gravely 
performed.  Addressing  the  assembled  men, 
Cortes  declared  that  his  sole  wish  was  to  serve 
his  sovereigns,  at  no  matter  what  cost  or  loss 


86  Fernando  Cortes 


to  himself;  lie  felt  bound  to  accede  to  the  will 
of  the  majority  of  the  members  of  the  expedi- 
tion and  he  therefore  proceeded  to  appoint  the 
necessary  officers  of  justice  to  carry  on  the 
government  of  the  new  colony.  Alonso  Her- 
nandez Puertocarrero  and  Francisco  de  Montejo 
were  named  alcaldes;  Juan  de  Escalante,  al- 
guacil  mayor;  Cristobal  de  Olid,  quartermaster- 
general  ;  Alonso  Alvarez,  procurator-general ; 
Gonzalo  Mexia,  treasurer;  Alonso  de  Avila, 
accountant;  Pedro  and  Alonso  de  Alvarado, 
Alonso  de  Avila,  and  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  re- 
gidors;  Diego  Godoy  as  notary.  The  elaborate 
name  of  Villa  Eica  de  la  Vera  Cruz 1  was 
given  to  the  new  settlement,  the  "  rica "  being 
suggested  by  the  rich  character  of  the  soil  and 
the  "  Vera  Cruz  "  by  the  date  of  their  landing, 
which  was  a  Good  Friday,  a  day  when  the  holy 
cross  is  especially  venerated. 

The  legal  formalities  so  scrupulously  observed 
were  a  trifle  farcical  in  this  particular  instance, 
and  Cortes  doubtless  listened  to  the  reading  of 
the  "  requirements  "  with  a  solemn  exterior,  but 
with  his  tongue  in  his  cheek.  He  resigned  the 
authority  he  had  received  from  Velasquez,  the 
royal  governor  of  Cuba,  into  the  hands  of 
the  municipal  authorities  he  had  himself,  in  re- 
sponse to  the  popular  demand,  appointed,  and 
who   thereby  likewise   became  royal  officials. 

1 "  Rich  City  of  the  True  Cross." 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  87 


They  in  their  turn  exercised  their  newly  ac- 
quired powers,  to  elect  him  captain-general  and 
chief  justice  of  the  new  colony  and  thus,  by  due 
form  of  law,  Cortes  found  himself,  within  twenty- 
four  hours  after  his  abdication,  installed  as  the 
recognised  dispenser  of  civil  justice  and  as 
military  commander.  He  showed  a  becoming 
reluctance  to  accept  the  nomination  and  finally 
had  all  the  appearance  of  yielding  to  an  irre- 
sistible expression  of  the  popular  will.  Bernal 
Diaz  quotes  to  the  point  an  old  Spanish  pro- 
verb :    "  Tu  mi  lo  ruegas  y  yo  mi  lo  quiero"  1 

The  partisans  of  Velasquez,  though  in  a  minor- 
ity, still  argued  that  the  election  was  irregular, 
because  they  had  not  taken  part  in  it,  nor  had 
it  been  confirmed  either  by  the  Jeronymite 
fathers  or  the  governor  of  Cuba.  This  incipient 
sedition  was  characteristically  met,  by  Cortes 
offering  as  many  as  were  dissatisfied,  permission 
to  re-embark  and  return  to  Cuba,  while  he 
demonstrated  the  reality  of  the  new  state  of 
things,  by  ordering  the  arrest  of  Juan  Velas- 
quez, Diego  de  Ordaz,  Pedro  Escudero,  and 
others  of  the  more  active  agitators,  who  were 
forthwith  imprisoned  on  the  captain's  ship. 
This  drastic  move  had  the  desired  effect  on  the 
waverers.2 

1  Literally  "  You  ask  me  to  do  what  I  want  to  do." 

2  First  Letter  of  Relation :  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xlii. ; 
Gomara,  cap.  xxx.;  Las  Casas,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  cxxii.;  Tor- 
quemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xviii. 


88  Fernando  Cortes 


In  the  distribution  of  the  municipal  offices, 
Cortes  was  careful  to  include  several  of  the 
men  of  the  opposing  faction.  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado  was  despatched  inland  with  one  hundred 
men,  ostensibly  to  collect  provisions,  but  also 
to  divide  the  forces  of  the  malcontents  by 
eliminating  some  of  them  temporarily  from  the 
camp.  This  detachment  visited  several  places 
in  the  government  of  Cuetlaxtla,  where  they 
discovered  on  all  sides  evidences  of  recent  hu- 
man sacrifices.  The  inhabitants  almost  invari- 
ably abandoned  their  villages  on  the  approach 
of  the  Spaniards  and  fled.  A  goodly  supply  of 
grain  and  other  provisions  was  obtained  and 
the  expedition  was  welcomed  back  to  camp, 
where  its  members  regaled  their  companions 
with  accounts  of  the  horrible  vestiges  of  canni- 
balism they  had  seen.1 

During  the  absence  of  these  men,  Cortes  had 
employed  his  most  engaging  arts  to  win  over 
his  opponents.  The  last  to  hold  out  were  Diego 
de  Ordaz,  and  Juan  Velasquez  de  Leon,  who 
wras  a  kinsman  of  Diego  Velasquez.  With  the 
final  adhesion  of  these  two,  all  open  dissension 
ceased  and  Cortes  was  undisputed  master  of  the 
situation.  He  carried  out  his  purpose  of  trans- 
porting the  settlement  to  the  site  recommended 
by  Montejo,  sending  the  sick  and  wounded  on 
board  the  ships,  which  also  carried  the  heavy 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xliv. 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  89 


guns  and  provisions,  while  he,  at  the  head  of 
some  four  hundred  men,  marched  northwards 
along  the  sandy  beach.  Leaving  these  dreary 
wastes,  the  expedition  gradually  advanced  into 
the  rich,  rolling  country  behind  Vera  Cruz, 
where  forests  of  palms  afforded  a  grateful  pro- 
tection from  the  tropical  sun.  Amidst  the  dark 
foliage  of  these  virgin  forests,  gorgeous  orchids 
and  flowering  creepers  vie  in  the  brilliancy  of 
their  colouring  with  the  gaily  plumaged  birds 
of  the  parrot  species  which  inhabit  the  dense 
world  of  verdure  overhead.  Game  abounded 
and  those  of  the  men  whose  exuberant  forces 
were  not  exhausted  by  the  fatigues  of  the  march, 
even  engaged  in  chasing  the  deer,  which  roamed 
in  herds  through  sylvan  defiles  and  over  verdant 
uplands. 

The  country  was  found  to  be  everywhere  de- 
serted, but  the  evidences  of  human  sacrifices 
and  cannibal  feasts  were  frequent.  During  the 
march,  twelve  Indians  of  the  Totonacs  appeared, 
bringing  provisions  and  reiterating  their  ca- 
cique's invitation  to  visit  him  at  Cempoalla. 
Cortes  received  these  overtures  with  satisfaction 
and  sent  six  of  the  messengers  back  to  announce 
his  acceptance  of  the  invitation,  while  the  other 
six  remained  to  act  as  guides.  Just  before 
reaching  the  town,  twenty  of  the  principal  citi- 
zens came  out  to  receive  Cortes,  saying  that 
their  chief  was  unable  to  come  in  person,  but 
was  awaiting  his  arrival  in  the  town.    One  of 


90  Fernando  Cortes 


the  Spanish  horsemen  who  had  ridden  ahead, 
came  galloping  back  and  announced  in  great 
excitement  that  the  walls  of  the  houses  of  the 
city  were  all  of  silver.  Gomara  observes  that, 
in  the  excited  state  of  their  imaginations,  every- 
thing that  glistened  in  the  sun  seemed  to  the 
Spaniards  gold  or  silver. 

The  town  was  en  fete  for  the  entrance  of  the 
guests,  and  its  streets  were  thronged  with  peo- 
ple, both  men  and  women,  who  mixed  with  the 
Spaniards  without  a  sign  of  fear.  Both  sexes 
were  dressed  in  garments  of  coloured  cotton 
stuffs,  the  men  wearing  loin-cloths  and  long 
mantles,  somewhat  in  the  Moorish  style,  while 
many  of  the  women  of  the  upper  classes  were 
arrayed  in  embroidered  and  painted  draperies 
that  fell  in  graceful  folds  from  the  neck  to  the 
feet;  ornaments  of  gold  were  common,  and  the 
beautiful  head-dress  of  many  coloured  plumes 
and  the  profusion  of  flowers,  for  which  the  In- 
dians cherished  the  highest  appreciation,  served 
to  enhance  the  natural  beauties  of  form  and 
feature,  which  all  early  visitors  to  America 
ascribe  to  the  inhabitants.  The  cacique  ap- 
peared at  the  entrance  of  his  palace,  supported 
by  two  attendants,  for  he  was  so  fat  he  could 
hardly  walk  alone.  The  Spaniards  nicknamed 
him  el  cacique  gordo  or  the  fat  chief.  After 
the  customary  incensing  and  salutations,  Cortes 
embraced  the  cacique,  who  made  a  speech  of 
welcome.    The  Spaniards  were  lodged  in  the 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  91 


temples  and  served  with  an  elaborate  repast.1 
Notwithstanding  this  friendly  reception,  Cortes 
took  the  precaution  of  having  his  guns  in  readi- 
ness for  any  possible  emergency  and  of  strictly 
forbidding  any  of  his  men  to  leave  their  quarters 
or  to  separate  themselves  from  the  others. 

The  cacique  offered  his  guest  a  modest  pres- 
ent, meekly  apologising  for  its  poverty  by  say- 
ing that  it  was  all  he  had.  The  difficulties  of 
communication  were  doubled,  for  the  conversa- 
tion passed  from  Spanish  into  Maya,  thence  into 
Nahua  or  Mexican,  and  finally  into  the  Totonac 
language,  but  it  seems  not  to  have  been  less 
intelligible  or  satisfactory  on  that  account. 
Cortes  graciously  accepted  the  cacique's  gift 
and  said  that  in  return  for  it  he  would  gladly 
render  him  what  services  he  could,  for  he  came 
there  as  the  envoy  of  the  most  powerful  mon- 
arch in  the  world  to  administer  justice,  punish 
tyrants,  and  to  abolish  human  sacrifices.  The 
cacique  needed  no  further  encouragement  to 
disclose  his  grievances  against  Montezuma,  who 
tyrannised  over  him  and  his  people,  and  afflicted 
them  with  numberless  vexations.  He  received 
the  assurance  that  the  days  of  such  tyranny 
were  now  past,  and  that  as  soon  as  the  new 
settlement  at  Quiahuiztla  was  established,  the 
Spaniards  would  return  to  Cempoalla  and  help 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xlv. ;  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap,  xxxii. ; 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  viii. 


92  Fernando  Cortes 


liim  to  regain  his  independence.  In  the  First 
Letter  of  Relation  to  Charles  V.,  the  town  of 
Cempoalla 1  is  described  as  the  best  one  the 
Spaniards  had  thus  far  seen.  The  houses,  built 
of  stone  and  mortar,  stood  amidst  well-cultivated 
gardens  and  some  of  them  had  several  spacious 
courtyards.  The  Spaniards  were  so  delighted 
with  the  place  that  they  compared  it  to  Seville 
for  size  and  to  Villaviciosa  for  its  luxuriant 
vegetation  and  abundance  of  fruit. 

After  a  stop  of  only  one  day  in  these  pleasant 
surroundings,  Cortes  took  leave  of  his  new  ally 
and  continued  his  march  towards  the  site  of 
the  new  settlement.  The  cacique  supplied  four 
hundred  men  to  carry  the  heavy  baggage,  for 
there  were  no  beasts  of  burden  in  Mexico  and 
loads  of  all  kinds  were  carried  by  men.  Upon 
his  arrival  at  Quiahuiztla,  it  was  found  that 
the  inhabitants  had  fled,  but  fifteen  priests 
issued  from  the  chief  temple  to  incense  Cortes, 
and,  as  it  soon  appeared  that  nothing  was  to 
be  apprehended  from  the  strangers,  the  people 
returned  and  Cortes  addressed  them  on  his 
usual  theme,  explaining  the  grandeur  of  the 
Spanish  King  and  the  doctrines  of  Christianity, 
exhorting  them  to  become  vassals  of  Spain  and 
good  Catholics.  The  cacique  of  Cempoalla  was 
evidently  plagued  by  some  misgivings  after  the 

1  Cempohualla  is  given  by  some  authorities  as  the  more 
correct  spelling  but  this  name  is  found,  as  are  all  other 
Mexican  proper  names,  with  every  variety  of  spelling. 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  93 


departure  of  the  Spaniards,  lest  their  promised 
assistance  should  fail  him,  for  while  Cortes  and 
the  cacique  of  Quiahuiztla  were  conversing  in 
the  public  square,  messengers  arrived  to  say 
that  the  cacique  of  Cempoalla  was  approaching. 
They  were  closely  followed  by  the  chief  himself, 
who  was  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  numerous 
attendants.  Both  rulers  then  rehearsed  their 
grievances  against  Montezuma:  not  only  were 
exorbitant  taxes  levied  by  cruel  means,  but  a 
tribute  of  their  young  men  was  exacted  for  the 
temple  sacrifices  in  Mexico,  and  of  their  fairest 
young  women  to  grace  the  harems  of  the 
Emperor  and  his  confederate  kings. 

Even  while  this  discussion  was  proceeding, 
Montezuma's  tax-collectors  entered  Quiahu- 
iztla. These  awe-inspiring  officials  wore  a  red 
filet  in  their  hair,  indicating  their  rank,  and 
from  their  shoulders  gorgeously  coloured  man- 
tles hung  to  their  feet.  Both  caciques  hastened 
to  receive  them  and  to  order  suitable  quarters 
prepared  for  their  occupancy.  Five  in  number, 
the  tax-collectors  walked  haughtily  past  the 
Spaniards  without  deigning  to  cast  a  glance 
towards  them,  smelling  the  roses  they  carried 
in  their  hands,  while  their  attendants  sheltered 
them  with  huge  fans  of  beautiful 'feathers. 

The  two  caciques  were  summoned  into  the 
presence  of  these  imperial  officials,  sharply  re- 
buked for  having  received  the  Spaniards  con- 
trary to  the  Emperor's  wishes,  and,  as  a  penalty 


94 


Fernando  Cortes 


for  such  disobedience,  twenty  persons  were  de- 
manded as  a  propitiatory  sacrifice  to  the  offended 
deities.1  Although  the  country  through  which 
the  Spaniards  had  marched  seemed  to  them  to 
be  deserted,  they  wTere  closely  followed  by  spies, 
their  every  movement  watched  and  reported  by 
couriers  to  Montezuma;  nor  is  it  likely  that  the 
overtures  of  the  cacique  of  Oempoalla  to  Cortes 
were  kept  secret  from  the  Mexican  sovereign. 
The  tax-collectors  were  acting  on  explicit  orders 
from  the  capital,  and  in  their  open  disdain  of 
the  Spaniards  might  be  read  the  proof  that 
Montezuma  had  adopted  a  hostile  policy.  At 
this  turn  of  affairs,  Cortes  executed  a  daring 
stroke  of  diplomacy  that  displayed  both  the 
readiness  of  his  invention  and  the  strategic 
foresight  he  possessed  in  such  a  conspicuous  de- 
gree. Informed  by  Marina  of  wrhat  was  hap- 
pening, he  called  the  caciques  before  him,  and 
reminding  them  that  his  sovereign  had  sent  him 
thither  to  punish  injustice  and  suppress  human 
sacrifices,  he  ordered  them  not  only  to  refuse 
the  twenty  persons  exacted  for  sacrifice,  but 
to  immediately  imprison  the  five  tax-gatherers. 
The  dismay  of  the  caciques  was  such  that,  at 
first  they  could  not  conceive  of  such  a  daring 
outrage  on  the-  persons  of  the  Emperor's  repre- 
sentatives, but  as  Cortes  remained  inflexible, 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xlvi. ;  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap  xxxiv. ; 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  x.;  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv., 
cap.  vii. 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  95 


the  high-handed  act  was  accomplished,  one  of 
the  officers  who  resisted  being  even  beaten. 
After  this  there  was  no  turning  back  for  the 
two  caciques.  They  advanced  rapidly  on  the 
road  of  rebellion  and  assented  readily  enough  to 
their  new  counsellor's  second  suggestion,  which 
was  to  publish  an  edict  throughout  their  ter- 
ritories declaring  that  no  more  taxes  were  to 
be  paid  to  Montezuma.  The  news  of  these  revo- 
lutionary events  spread  rapidly  throughout  the 
empire,  for  the  attendants  of  the  tax-collectors 
had  been  allowed  to  escape  when  their  masters 
were  seized.  Stupefaction  greeted  the  news 
wherever  it  was  published,  and  the  edicts  of  the 
two  rebellious  caciques  were  listened  to  by  ears 
that  could  scarcely  trust  their  own  hearing. 
Knowing  full  well  that  two  small  chieftains  on 
the  outskirts  of  the  empire  would  never  of 
themselves  dare  to  so  flout  the  mighty  Emperor, 
it  was  universally  agreed  that  such  acts  could 
only  proceed  from  gods.  From  henceforward 
the  Spaniards  were  given  the  name  of  teules,1 
or  gods. 

Having  pushed  the  two  caciques  into  open 
rebellion,  and  holding  five  high  officers  of  the 
empire  in  his  power,  Cortes  played  his  next 
move  in  the  game.  He  opposed  the  intention 
of  the  Totonacs  to  kill  the  tax-collectors,  and 
had  two  of  the  prisoners,  who  were  closely 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xlvii. 


96  Fernando  Cortes 


guarded  by  a  mixed  watch  of  Spaniards  and 
Indians,  brought  before  him  secretly  at  night, 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  Indian  guards. 
Feigning  ignorance  of  what  had  happened,  he 
asked  who  they  were  and  why  they  were  held 
prisoners.  The  tax-gatherers  answered  that 
without  his  help  the  caciques  would  never  have 
dared  to  lay  hands  on  them.  Cortes  declared 
himself  ignorant  of  the  occurrence  and  greatly 
afflicted  by  their  misfortune.  He  invited  them 
to  supper,  which,  after  their  prison  fare,  was 
doubtless  acceptable  to  the  dainty,  rose-smelling 
gentlemen,  accustomed  to  high  living.  During 
the  meal  he  assured  them  he  would  arrange 
their  escape  in  order  that  they  might  carry  to 
Montezuma  the  assurance  of  his  friendship.  He 
added  that  had  the  Mexicans  not  abandoned  the 
Spaniards,  leaving  them  without  provisions,  the 
latter  would  never  have  visited  the  Totonacs. 
He  urged  them  to  fly  at  once  and  save  them- 
selves from  death;  as  for  their  companions,  he 
would  likewise  protect  them  from  the  caciques' 
murderous  desires  and,  in  due  time,  would  find 
an  opportunity  to  secure  their  release.  The 
officers  were  not  slow  to  act  on  such  acceptable 
counsel,  in  fact  Cortes  provided  men  to  row 
them  across  to  a  spot  on  the  coast  outside  the 
boundaries  of  Cempoalla.  Two  messengers  who 
owed  him  their  lives  were  thus  despatched  to 
Montezuma  with  flattering  assurances  of  good- 
will, while  three  others  remained  as  hostages. 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  97 


The  escape  of  two  of  the  prisoners  decided 
the  caciques  to  sacrifice  the  remaining  three,  but 
Cortes  again  intervened,  reproving  them  sharply 
for  the  carelessness  of  their  guards,  and,  under 
pretext  of  rendering  the  flight  of  the  others  im- 
possible, he  put  them  in  chains  and  sent  them 
on  board  one  of  his  ships.  Once  there,  he  threw 
all  the  blame  upon  the  caciques,  explaining  to 
his  prisoners  that  he  had  used  the  only  possible 
means  to  rescue  them,  and  promising  to  send 
them  safely  back  to  Mexico.  It  was  obvious  to 
the  three  Mexicans  that  he  had  saved  them  from 
the  sacrificial  stone ;  whether  they  penetrated  his 
motives  or  not,  does  not  appear.1 

A  conference  composed  of  the  caciques  of 
Cempoalla  and  Quiahuiztla,  and  of  other  neigh- 
bouring chiefs  who  had  been  summoned,  was 
then  held  to  decide  on  their  course  of  future 
action.  The  offence  committed  was  beyond  par- 
don, and  from  the  Mexicans  no  mercy  was  to 
be  hoped.  Cortes  pointed  out  to  them  the  diffi- 
culties of  their  situation  and  advised  them  to 
ponder  well  their  decision.  Two  opinions  de- 
clared themselves  in  the  conference,  one  in  fa- 
vour of  throwing  themselves  on  the  Emperor's 
mercy,  and  offering  reparation  for  the  outrage, 
while  the  other  was  for  a  supreme  struggle  for 
independence,  relying  on  the  assistance  of  the 
teules  to  win.    The  latter  opinion  prevailed. 

1  Solis,  Conquista  de  Mexico,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  ix. 


98  Fernando  Cortes 


Before  committing  himself  to  the  proffered  al- 
liance, Cortes  was  assured  by  the  caciques  that 
the  united  Totonacs  could  put  one  hundred 
thousand  warriors  in  the  field,  a  number  ex- 
actly double  his  own  estimate  made  later. 

The  standard  of  revolt  was  raised  through- 
out the  country,  obedience  to  Montezuma  was 
thrown  off,  and  the  further  payment  of  tribute 
was  refused.  The  caciques  acknowledged  them- 
selves as  the  vassals  of  the  King  of  Spain  and 
the  public  notary,  Diego  Godoy,  drew  up  the 
ratifications  of  the  alliance.1  The  foundations 
of  the  new  city  of  Vera  Cruz  were  laid,  and 
Cortes  not  only  drew  the  plan  of  the  town,  but 
set  an  example  to  his  men  by  labouring  with 
his  own  hands  at  the  construction  of  the  build- 
ings. Large  numbers  of  Indians  were  ready  to 
assist  the  Spaniards,  and  within  a  few  weeks  a 
presentable  counterpart  of  a  Spanish  town  was 
ready  for  occupancy.  It  possessed  a  church,  a 
store-house  for  ammunition,  a  fort  or  block- 
house for  defence  in  case  of  hostile  attack,  a 
municipal  building,  and  a  sufficient  number  of 
dwellings  to  house  the  inhabitants.  It  was 
destined  to  serve  as  the  point  of  contact  with 
the  Spanish  colonies  in  the  islands,  and  with 
Spain;  as  a  store-house  for  supplies,  and  a  re- 
fuge for  the  sick  and  wounded  during  the  cam- 
paign against  the  Aztec  capital. 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xlvii.;  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  xxxvi.; 
Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p.  158  (note). 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  99 


When  the  news  of  the  outrage  perpetrated  on 
his  tax-gatherers  and  of  the  insurrection  in  Cem- 
poalla  reached  Montezuma,  his  first  resolution 
was  to  send  a  punitive  force  to  chastise  his 
vassals  and  destroy  the  Spaniards;  had  he  put 
his  intention  into  effect  he  would  have  found 
Cortes  in  a  position  of  doubtful  security,  while 
the  Totonacs,  still  wavering  between  their  hopes 
of  liberty  on  the  one  hand  and  their  fears  of 
Mexican  vengeance  on  the  other,  would  have 
proved  but  feeble  allies.  The  arrival  of  the 
two  liberated  prisoners  caused  the  Emperor  to 
relapse  into  the  perplexity  that  characterised 
all  his  dealings  with  the  Spaniards.  Instead 
of  an  armed  expedition  to  bring  the  Totonacs 
into  subjection,  he  despatched  another  embassy, 
composed  of  two  of  his  young  nephews  and  four 
older  councillors,  bearing  fresh  gifts  to  Cortes. 
Highly  satisfied  with  these  first  fruits  of  his 
diplomacy,  the  Spanish  commander  received  the 
envoys  and  the  present,  renewing  his  protesta- 
tions of  regard  towards  Montezuma,  and,  as  a 
proof  of  his  sincerity,  he  delivered  to  them  the 
three  prisoners  whom  he  still  held  on  board  his 
ship.  When  the  question  of  the  tribute  due 
from  the  Totonacs  and  the  punishment  they 
merited  for  their  rebellion  was  touched  upon, 
Cortes  answered  that  those  provinces  had  passed 
under  the  jurisdiction  and  protection  of  the  King 
of  Spain  and  were  henceforth  freed  from  all 
obligation  towards  their  former  suzerain.  He 


ioo  Fernando  Cortes 


added  that  he  hoped  soon  to  visit  Montezuma, 
when  these  matters  would  be  further  explained. 
The  result  of  this  exposition  of  weakness  on  the 
part  of  Montezuma  was  to  confirm  the  Totonacs 
in  their  allegiance  to  the  Spaniards,  as  they 
interpreted  the  consideration  shown  to  Cortes 
as  meaning  that  the  Mexicans  feared  him. 

The  missionary  spirit  of  these  pious  adven- 
turers did  not  slumber,  and  as  the  authority  of 
Cortes  established  itself  more  absolutely  over 
the  Totonacs,  the  moment  for  suppressing  idola- 
try and  converting  the  natives  to  Christianity 
seemed  propitious.  He  had  meanwhile  sup- 
ported the  cacique  in  some  skirmishes  with  his 
hostile  neighbours  and,  on  the  return  to  Cem- 
poalla,  the  latter  had  presented  eight  young 
girls,  daughters  of  chiefs,  to  the  Spanish  cap- 
tains. Cortes  profited  by  the  occasion  to  de- 
clare that  it  was  impossible  for  children  of  the 
true  faith  to  accept  pagan  wonjen  and  that  be- 
fore the  Indian  maidens  could  hope  to  share 
the  companionship  of  his  officers,  they  must 
renounce  idolatry  and  become  Christians.  The 
parents  of  the  girls  seemed  to  view  their  con- 
version as  an  increased  honour  shown  them, 
but  when  Cortes,  presuming  on  the  apparent 
indifference  of  the  Indians  to  their  religious 
belief,  ordered  the  idols  to  be  cast  out  and 
the  temples  purified  for  Christian  worship,  the 
cacique  not  only  demurred  but  even  assumed  a 
threatening  attitude. 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  ioi 

Whatever  else  may  be  doubted,  the  religious 
sincerity  and  moral  courage  of  Fernando  Cortes 
are  above  impeachment.  He  was  a  stranger  to 
hypocrisy,  which  is  a  smug  vice  of  cowards,  and 
if  his  reasons  for  acts  of  policy,  that  cost  many 
lives,  may  be  deplored  by  the  humane,  the 
honesty  of  his  convictions  may  be  reasonably 
impugned  by  none.  Had  the  influence  of  his 
faith  on  his  morals  been  proportionate  to  its 
sincerity,  he  might  have  merited  canonisation. 

Sixteenth-century  Spain  produced  a  race  of 
Christian  warriors  whose  piety,  born  of  an  in- 
tense realisation  of,  and  love  for  a  militant 
Christ,  was  of  a  martial  complexion,  beholding 
in  the  symbol  of  salvation — the  Cross — the 
standard  of  Christendom  around  which  the 
faithful  must  rally,  and  for  whose  protection 
and  exaltation  swords  must  be  drawn  and  blood 
spilled  if  need  be.  They  were  the  children  of 
the  generation  which  had  expelled  the  last  Moor 
from  Spain,  and  had  brought  centuries  of  relig- 
ious and  patriotic  warfare  to  a  triumphant 
close,  in  which  their  country  was  finally  united 
under  the  crown  of  Castile.  From  such  fore- 
bears the  generation  of  Cortes  received  its 
heritage  of  Christian  chivalry.  The  discovery 
of  a  new  world,  peopled  by  barbarians,  opened 
a  fresh  field  to  Spanish  missionary  zeal,  in 
which  the  kingdom  of  God  upon  earth  was  to 
be  extended  and  countless  souls  rescued  from 
the  obscene  idolatries  and  debasing  cannibalism 


io2  Fernando  Cortes 


which  enslaved  them.  This  was  the  "  white 
man's  burden "  which  that  century  laid  on 
Spaniards'  shoulders. 

Whatever  the  risks  were,  Cortes  took  them. 
He  seized  the  cacique  and  several  of  the  princi- 
pal chiefs,  ordering  them  to  command  their 
people  to  remain  quiet  and  admonishing  them 
that  the  first  hostile  act  would  be  the  signal 
for  their  instant  death.  Marina  went  amongst 
the  people,  calming  their  resentment  and  re- 
calling the  protection  promised  by  the  teules 
against  the  vengeance  of  Montezuma,  an  argu- 
ment that  also  went  far  towards  restraining  the 
cacique  from  forfeiting  the  friendship  of  his 
new  allies,  without  whose  help  destruction  would 
inevitably  overtake  him.  The  idols  at  Cem- 
poalla  shared  the  fate  of  those  at  Cozumel  and 
Tabasco,  for,  at  a  signal  from  the  commander, 
fifty  soldiers  mounted  the  steps  leading  to  the 
top  of  the  pyramid  on  which  the  sanctuaries 
stood  and,  penetrating  the  blood-stained  por- 
tals, they  bore  forth  the  hideous  figures  and 
hurled  them  to  the  bottom,  where  others  were 
waiting  to  consign  them  to  the  flames.  An  altar 
was  set  up  in  the  purified  temple,  mass  was 
said,  Fray  Bartolome  delivered  an  instruction 
to  the  natives,  and  the  ceremonies  terminated 
as  usual  with  a  procession,  in  which  some  of  the 
Totonac  priests,  clad  in  white  robes,  carried 
lighted  tapers  before  the  statue  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin.    Most  of  all  were  the  Indians  amazed 


Allies  of  the  Spaniards  103 


at  the  absence  of  any  fulminating  act  of  celes- 
tial vengeance  on  the  desecrators  of  their  gods, 
and  evidences  of  the  divine  attributes  of  the 
Spaniards  seemed  to  accumulate  before  their 
eyes. 

The  cacique  having  triumphed  over  his  enemies 
with  the  help  of  the  Spaniards  and  peace  being 
restored,  Cortes  prepared  to  return  with  his 
forces  to  Vera  Cruz.  Juan  de  Torres,  an  in- 
valided soldier,  was  left  to  guard  the  oratory 
at  Cempoalla  and  to  instruct  the  Totonacs  in 
the  observance  of  their  new  religion.1 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  li.,  lii.;  Gomara,  cap.  .xliii.;  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.,  lib.  v. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  SHIPS 

Letters  to  Charles  V. — The  Velasquez  Faction — Destruction 
of  the  Ships — The  March  to  Mexico — The  Republic  of 
Tlascala 

T^HE  first  news  that  greeted  the  Spaniards  on 


1  their  return  to  Vera  Cruz  announced  the 
arrival  that  same  day  of  a  vessel  commanded 
by  Francisco  de  Saucedo,  having  on  board 
seventy  soldiers  and  two  horsemen.1  From 
Saucedo  it  was  learned  that  Diego  Velasquez 
had  received  the  royal  appointment  of  adelan- 
tado,  with  faculties  to  trade  and  colonise  in  the 
recently  discovered  countries.  This  last  piece 
of  intelligence  gave  Cortes  material  for  serious 
reflection  and  obliged  him  to  delay  no  further 
the  necessary  steps  to  obtain  for  his  shaky 
authority  some  firmer  foundation  than  the  some- 
what equivocal  legal  sanctions  conferred  by  the 
infant  municipality  of  Vera  Cruz.  This  news 
of  the  royal  favour  shown  Velasquez  was  bound 
to  revive  the  slumbering  activity  of  his  par- 
tisans in  Vera  Cruz,  who  had  found  themselves 
constrained  by  superior  numbers  to  acquiesce  in 
the  changed  plan  of  the  expedition.  Velasquez 


1  Gomara,  cap.  xxxviii.;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  liii. 

104 


c  c  c  c  c  c  c  c 
cc  c  c  c  c 
c  C  C  C       c  C 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  105 


had  friends  at  court,  and  would  use  every  in- 
fluence at  his  disposal  to  secure  the  forcible 
recall  and  punishment  of  Cortes  and  his  ad- 
herents, so  there  was  no  time  to  be  lost,  nor 
did  his  usual  perspicacity  and  promptness  of 
decision  fail  the  commander  in  this  emergency. 
He  decided  to  forestall  any  report  Velasquez 
might  send  to  Spain,  by  writing  to  the  young 
King  a  full  account  of  his  expedition  and  every- 
thing that  had  happened  since  he  left  Cuba,  and 
to  send  his  despatch  by  his  own  messengers  to 
Spain.1    The  new  arrivals  were  acceptable  re- 

1  This  letter  has  never  been  found  and  by  some  was 
believed  to  have  been  afterwards  suppressed  by  the  Coun- 
cil for  the  Indies  at  the  instance  of  Panfilo  de  Narvaez, 
or  to  have  been  taken  by  the  French  pirate  Jean  de 
Florin  from  Alonzo  de  Avila,  and  thus  prevented  from 
reaching  the  Emperor.  It  bore  the  date  of  July  10,  1519, 
and  left  Vera  Cruz  on  the  16th  of  that  month  with  the 
two  envoys,  Alonso  Hernandez  Puertocarrero  and  Fran- 
cisco de  Montejo.  It  was  in  duplicate,  as  was  likewise 
the  letter  of  the  magistrates  of  the  newly  founded  colony, 
which  was  shown  to  Cortes  before  it  was  sent.  Bernal 
Diaz,  who  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  joint  letter,  says 
that  Cortes  had  omitted  from  his  own  letter  the  account 
of  the  expeditions  of  Francisco  de  Cordoba  and  of  Juan 
de  Grijalba.  The  letter  of  Cortes  and  that  of  the  magis- 
trates confirmed  each  other,  as  they  were  intended  to  do, 
and,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  that  of  the  magistrates 
was  the  more  detailed  of  the  two,  hence  it  is,  historically, 
the  more  valuable.  The  only  important  events  which  had 
happened  up  to  that  date,  were  the  change  in  the  char- 
acter and  objects  of  the  expedition,  and  the  founding  of 
Vera  Cruz,  and  on  these  points  Cortes  and  the  magistrates 
were  in  perfect  accord. 

The  search  for  this  missing  letter  having  been  given 


io6  Fernando  Cortes 


inforcements  to  tlie  little  army  and  the  opinion 
of  the  majority  was  in  favour  of  no  longer 
postponing  the  march  into  the  interior.  The 
municipal  officers  of  the  new  colony  who,  it  was 
evident,  must  stand  or  fall  with  Cortes,  like- 
wise prepared  a  despatch  or  carta  de  relation, 
addressed  to  the  Queen,  Dona  Juana,  and  the 
Emperor,  Charles  V.,  her  son.  To  ensure  a 
benevolent  reception  for  these  letters  the  truly 
heroic  sacrifice  of  surrendering  the  entire  treas- 
ure to  the  Emperor,  instead  of  merely  the  royal 
fifth  that  belonged  to  him  by  right,  was  pro- 
posed to  the  members  of  the  expedition.  The 
officers  consented  at  once,  for  they  perceived 
that  it  was  no  time  for  half  measures  and,  after 
putting  the  case  before  the  men  and  explaining 
that  by  sending  the  whole  amount  an  imposing 
present  would  be  made  up  for  the  Emperor,  a 

up  in  despair,  it  remained  for  the  perspicacity  of  Dr. 
Robertson  to  divine  that,  as  the  Emperor  was  about  leav- 
ing Spain  for  Germany  at  the  time  the  envoys  from  Vera 
Cruz  arrived  with  the  letters,  they  might  still  be  found 
in  some  of  the  imperial  archives;  he  accordingly  under- 
took a  search,  for  which  all  necessary  facilities  were 
obtained  by  the  British  Ambassador  in  Vienna.  His 
efforts  were  crowned  with  a  dual  success,  in  that  a  cer- 
tified copy  by  a  notary  public  of  the  letter  of  the  magis- 
trates of  Vera  Cruz  was  discovered  in  the  imperial 
archives,  and,  at  the  same  time;  the  fifth  letter  of  the 
Relaciones  was  also  unearthed.  The  first  letter  appeared 
in  print,  for  the  first  time,  in  the  collection  of  inedited 
documents  for  Spanish  history,  published  by  Navarrete, 
in  1844,  and  from  that  time  has  taken  its  place  in  the 
complete  series  of  five. 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  107 


paper  was  circulated,  which  all  who  were  will- 
ing were  invited  to  sign.  No  constraint,  how- 
ever, was  employed  and  any  one  who  so  desired, 
had  but  to  claim  his  share,  to  receive  it.  The 
absolute  ascendancy  of  Cortes  over  his  men  is 
demonstrated  by  the  fact  that  not  one  refused 
his  signature.  A  third  letter  to  the  Emperor 
was  drawn  up  and  signed  by  all  the  captains 
and  men  who  were  adherents  of  Cortes.  Alonso 
Hernandez  Puertocarrero  and  Francisco  de 
Monte  jo  were  chosen  to  bear  these  letters  to 
Spain. 

After  assisting  at  a  mass,  said  by  Fray  Barto- 
lome  de  Olmedo,  the  two  envoys  sailed  on  July 
16,  1519,  and  they  took  with  them  the  royal 
fifth  of  all  the  gold  besides  the  other  treasures. 
They  were  strictly  enjoined  to  sail  by  the  chan- 
nel of  the  Bahamas  and  to  carefully  avoid 
Cuba,  but  they  disobeyed  this  warning  and 


The  entire  series  of  the  five  letters  has  been  printed 
in  Spanish  by  Don  Enrique  de  Vedia  in  Ribadeneyra's 
Biblioteca  de  Autores  Classicos,  in  1852.  The  five  letters 
were  published  by  Don  Pascual  Gayangos  of  the  Span- 
ish Academy  (Cartas  de  Hernan  Cortes  al  Emperador 
Carlos  V.,  Paris,  1866),  who  also  made  an  English  trans- 
lation of  the  fifth  letter,  which  appeared  alone  in  1868  in 
a  volume  of  the  Hakluyt  Society's  publications.  The 
five  letters  were  published  in  a  French  translation  by 
Desire  Charnay  in  Paris,  1896,  and  an  English  edition  of 
the  entire  series,  preceded  by  a  short  biography  and  ac- 
companied by  notes,  was  published  by  the  author  of  the 
present  work,  under  the  title  of  Letters  of  Cortes  to 
Charles  V.,  New  York,  1908. 


io8  Fernando  Cortes 


stopped  several  days  at  Marien,  where  Montejo 
had  a  property  near  by.  They  renewed  their 
supplies  at  this  place  and  showed  some  of  the 
treasure  to  a  servant,  besides  which,  Montejo 
also  wrote  to  a  former  overseer  of  his,  Juan  de 
Roja,  who  had  meanwhile  passed  into  Diego 
Velasquez's  service.  The  governor  thus  learned 
of  what  was  happening  and  promptly  despatched 
a  vessel  to  overhaul  the  messengers  and  bring 
them  back,  but  he  was  too  late.  The  envoys 
landed,  early  in  October,  1519,  but  Benito 
Martin,  a  friend  and  agent  of  Velasquez,  was 
already  advised  of  their  coming  and  lodged  a 
complaint  with  the  Casa  de  Contractacion  in 
Seville,  in  which  he  described  Cortes  as  a  rebel 
against  his  superior's  authority  and  asked  for 
the  arrest  of  the  envoys  and  the  sequestration 
of  the  letters  and  the  treasure.  He  found  a 
ready  ally  in  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca, 
Bishop  of  Burgos,  wrho,  as  President  of  the 
Royal  Council  for  the  Indies,  was  omnipotent, 
and  was  a  warm  friend  and  supporter  of  Velas- 
quez, with  whose  family  his  own  was  about  to 
be  connected  by  a  marriage. 

Peter  Martyr,  who  was  then  at  court  and 
noted  every  circumstance  of  interest,  mentions 
the  arrival  of  the  two  envoys  in  December  as 
"  recent/'  which  might  mean  that  he  had  only 
recently  heard  of  it.  All  authorities  agree  that 
they  got  a  rough  reception  from  the  Bishop  of 
Burgos,  and  only  saw  the  Emperor  in  March, 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  109 


1520,  after  many  difficulties.  The  audience  was 
at  Tordesillas,  where  His  Majesty  was  then  pay- 
ing a  visit  to  his  mother,  Dona  Juana,  before 
proceeding  to  Santiago  de  Compostella.  Peter 
Martyr,  however,  says  that  the  Emperor  had 
then  already  seen  the  gold  and  presents  from 
Mexico,  which  confirms  another  authority,  who 
states  that  while  they  were  stopped  by  the 
Bishop  in  Seville,  Martin  Cortes,  the  father  of 
Fernando,  and  an  official  of  the  Royal  Council 
who  was  friendly,  one  Nunez,  contrived  to  for- 
ward duplicates  of  the  despatches  to  the  Em- 
peror, accompanied  by  a  memorial  describing 
the  Bishop's  behaviour  and  his  sequestration  of 
the  treasures.  The  Emperor  was  well  impressed 
by  the  letters  and  ordered  the  gifts  to  be  sent 
on  to  him.  He  was,  however,  so  absorbed  with 
business  of  importance  prior  to  quitting  the 
country  for  Germany  to  assume  the  imperial 
crown,  that  he  left  Tordesillas  without  giving 
a  decision.  The  envoys  followed  him  to  La 
Coruna,  and  there  exists  in  the  archives  of 
Simancas  the  deposition  given  under  oath  be- 
fore Dr.  Carbajal,  member  of  the  Royal  Council 
for  the  Indies,  by  Alonso  Hernandez  Puerto- 
carrero  dated,  La  Coruna,  April  30,  1520.  The 
memorial  of  Benito  Martin  is  found,  according 
to  Prescott,  in  the  collection  of  MSS.  made  by 
Don  Vargas  Ponce,  sometime  president  of  the 
Spanish  Academy  of  History. 

The  departure  of  the  two  messengers  from 


no  Fernando  Cortes 


Vera  Cruz  did  not  take  place  without  opposition 
from  the  Velasquez  faction,  whose  members 
revived  their  former  complaints  against  the 
treacherous  conduct  of  Cortes  towards  the  gov- 
ernor of  Cuba  and  even  formed  a  plot  to  seize 
a  brigantine,  kill  its  captain,  and  escape  to  Cuba 
to  inform  Velasquez  of  the  departure  of  the 
messengers  carrying  the  treasure  and  the  letters. 
Bernaldino  de  Coria,  one  of  the  conspirators, 
weakened  at  the  last  moment  and  betrayed  the 
plot  and  those  implicated  to  the  commander. 
Cortes  did  not  mince  matters  but  promptly 
hanged  Diego  Cermeno,  and  Juan  Escudero. 
The  latter  was  the  same  alguacil  who  had  cap- 
tured him  before  the  church  in  Santiago,  where 
he  had  taken  sanctuary  during  his  quarrel  with 
Velasquez,  and  had  imprisoned  him  on  the  ship 
in  the  harbour.  Gonzalo  de  Umbria  had  his 
feet  cut  off,  and  two  hundred  lashes  were  ad- 
ministered to  each  of  the  others  except  the 
priest,  Juan  Diaz,  whose  cloth  protected  him. 
Bernal  Diaz  reports  that  Cortes  exclaimed 
when  he  signed  the  warrant  for  these  punish- 
ments, "  Who  would  not  rather  be  unable  to 
write,  than  to  have  to  sign  away  the  lives  of 
men !  "  but  the  old  soldier  shrewdly  adds,  that 
he  believes  most  judges,  from  the  days  of  Nero 
down,  have  expressed  the  same  sentiment.1 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lvii. ;  Oviedo,  Historia  de  las  Indias, 
lib.  xxxiii.,  cap.  ii.;  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  lib.  iii., 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  m 


The  discovery  of  such  a  conspiracy  amongst 
his  followers  gave  Cortes  grave  cause  for  pre- 
occupation, for  it  was  manifestly  impossible  for 
him  to  set  out  on  his  great  undertaking,  with- 
out first  assuring  the  loyalty  of  those  he  had  to 
leave  behind  at  Vera  Cruz.  It  was  clear  that 
certain  of  the  friends  of  Diego  Velasquez  merely 
bided  their  time,  waiting  and  hoping  for  an 
opportunity  to  return  to  Cuba;  others  were  im- 
pressed by  the  risks  attending  an  expedition  into 
an  entirely  unknown  country  where  there  was 
every  reason  to  believe  a  dense  and  hostile  popu- 
lation was  preparing  to  dispute  their  advance. 
All  were  familiar  with  the  fate  awaiting  prison- 
ers of  war,  and  there  were  few  who  did  not 
shudder  at  the  possibility  of  ending  their  days 
on  the  sacrificial  stone  and  furnishing  the  festal 
meats  at  cannibal  feasts.  Cortes  perceived 
there  was  but  one  effectual  means  to  prevent 
further  plots,  after  the  restraint  of  his  presence 
was  removed,  and  to  involve  the  fate  of  each 
member  of  the  expedition  in  his  success  or 
failure,  and  that  was  to  cut  off  all  possibility  of 
escape  by  destroying  his  fleet.  He  first  took 
the  precaution  of  sending  Pedro  de  Alvarado 
with  a  large  part  of  the  army  on  ahead  to  Cem- 

cap.  cxii.  Bernal  Diaz  refers  to  the  passage  in  Suetonius 
recording  an  exclamation  of  Nero :  "  Et  cum  de  suppli- 
cio  cujusdam  capite  damnati,  ut  ex  more  subscriberet,  ad- 
moneretur  quam  vellem,  in  quit,  nescire  litteras  "  (lib.  vi., 
cap.  x.). 


ii2  Fernando  Cortes 


poalla,  thus  reducing  the  number  of  possible 
objectors  to  the  contemplated  measure. 

The  destruction  of  the  ships  is  one  of  the 
most  dramatic  episodes  in  the  eventful  history 
of  the  conquest,  and  Cortes,  in  reporting  it  to 
the  Emperor,  assumed  exclusively  the  credit  of 
the  heroic  decision  and  its  execution,  but 
throughout  his  narrative  he  is  chary  of  ever 
mentioning  anybody  but  himself.  Gomara  nat- 
urally gives  the  same  account,  and  Prescott 
accepts  his  version,  as  do  other  reputable  his- 
torians. Bernal  Diaz,  who  figures  always  as 
the  great  objector  and  corrector,  contradicts 
this  account  very  positively  and  says  that  the 
destruction  of  the  ships  was  decided  upon  after 
a  general  discussion,  and  that  Cortes  was  un- 
willing to  accept  any  responsibility,  either  for 
their  demolition  or  for  their  cost  if  there  should 
later  arise  a  necessity  to  pay  for  them  to  their 
rightful  owners.  He  refutes  with  emphatic 
scorn  Gomara's  assertion  that  Cortes  feared  to 
tell  the  soldiers  of  his  intention  to  push  into 
the  interior  in  search  of  the  great  Montezuma, 
exclaiming :  "  What  sort  of  Spaniards  are  we, 
not  to  want  to  push  ahead  but  to  stop  where 
we  had  no  hardships  or  fighting? "  The  Relation 
of  Andres  de  Tapia  (who  was  also  an  eye- 
witness) agrees  with  Bernal  Diaz.  Puerto- 
carrero  replied  in  La  Coruna  in  the  same  sense 
as  his  companion  Montejo  (April  29,  1520), 
stating  that  the  proposal  to  destroy  all  but  three 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  113 


of  the  ships  came  from  the  captains  of  them, 
who  declared  them  to  be  unseaworthy,  and  even 
those  three  to  be  of  doubtful  value.  Puerto- 
carrero  and  Montejo  sailed,  as  has  been  said, 
on  July  16th,  with  the  treasure  and  the  letters 
which  were  dated  July  10th,  so  that  the  discov- 
ery of  the  conspiracy  and  the  punishment  of 
its  authors  and  the  destruction  of  the  ships  all 
took  place  in  those  six  days.  Clavigero  believes 
that  Cortes  induced  some  of  the  pilots  to  scuttle 
one  or  two  of  the  ships  and  afterwards  to  come 
to  him,  representing  the  others  as  unseaworthy, 
from  being  three  months  in  port. 

Prescott  sagaciously  observes  that  "  the  affair 
so  remarkable  as  the  act  of  one  individual,  be- 
comes absolutely  incredible  when  considered  as 
the  result  of  so  many  independent  wills  "  but 
the  Mexican  historian  Orozco  y  Berra  is  doubt- 
less right  in  believing  that  the  idea  of  destroying 
the  ships  originated  with  Cortes,  who  adroitly 
suggested  it  in  such  wise  and  with  such  argu- 
ments, that  it  came  back  to  him  as  a  spon- 
taneous proposal  from  the  others,  supported  by 
the  opinions  of  the  pilots  and  ship-captains  that 
the  vessels  were  unsound.  Such  artifice  was 
not  alien  to  his  diplomacy,  for  he  usually  con- 
trived that  he  should  appear  to  interpret  the 
popular  will  as  well  as  to  serve  the  royal  in- 
terests in  all  the  undertakings  his  ambition 
prompted.  He  dazzled,  cajoled,  or  bullied  his 
men  as  occasion  required;  he  also  bribed  them 

8 


ii4  Fernando  Cortes 


at  times,  but  he  took  counsel  with  few  if  any  of 
them.  To  carry  out  his  daring  plan  of  destroy- 
ing the  fleet,  he  had  need  of  confederates  to 
execute  it,  and  all  the  evidence  before  us  points 
to  the  conclusion  that  he  chose  them  wisely  and 
in  small  number.1  Puertocarrero  and  Montejo 
embarked  for  Spain  in  the  flag-ship  of  the  fleet, 
which  had  been  spared,  and  the  little  band  of 
adventurers  found  themselves  isolated  in  a 
strange  world,  cut  off  from  all  possibility  of 
retreat,  as  only  one  small  vessel  remained.  The 
cordage,  anchors,  and  other  movable  fixtures 
that  might  serve  some  future  purpose,  had  been 
carefully  removed  from  the  condemned  vessels 
and  were  stored  in  Vera  Cruz.  Cortes  followed 
Alvarado  to  Cempoalla,  where  the  news  of  the 
destruction  of  the  fleet  had  produced  conster- 
nation. Mutiny  seemed  imminent,  and  the  opin- 
ion spread  that  the  commander  was  leading 
them  like  cattle  to  the  slaughter.2 

In  the  presence  of  one  of  the  greatest  dangers 
that  ever  faced  him,  Cortes  lost  nothing  of  the 
presence  of  mind  that  never  failed  him.  His 
address  to  the  assembled  men  was  a  master- 
piece of  persuasive  logic.    He  adopted  his  con- 

f  Prescott,  Conquest  of  Mexico,  torn,  i.,  cap.  viii.;  Orozco 
y  Berra,  Conquista,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  viii.;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap. 
lviii.;  MacNutt's  Letters  of  Cortes,  Second  Letter;  Ala- 
man,  Disertacione,  II.;  Las  Casas,  Hist,  de  las  Indias, 
lib.  iii.,  cap.  cxxiii. 

2  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  xlii. 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  115 


dilatory  rather  than  his  authoritative  manner, 
explaining  to  them,  first  of  all,  that  the  ships 
were  his  own  property,  and  therefore  their  de- 
struction was  his  loss.  He  next  reminded  them 
that  the  expedition  had  been  increased  by 
one  hundred  sailors,  who  would  otherwise 
have  had  to  be  kept  idle  on  board  the  ships 
while  the  others  bore  the  brunt  of  the  hard- 
ships and  fighting  in  the  interior;  the  vessels 
being  unseaworthy,  would  have  been  of  no  serv- 
ice and,  moreover,  if  their  expedition  against 
Mexico  succeeded,  they  would  not  be  needed, 
while  if  it  should  fail  they  would  all  find 
themselves  too  far  from  the  seacoast  to  be 
able  to  avail  themselves  of  ships.  He  closed 
with  just  the  right  note, — an  appeal  to  their 
courage  and  cupidity, — offering,  if  there  were, 
however,  any  so  cowardly  as  to  shrink  from  the 
dangers  of  the  glorious  enterprise,  to  send  them 
back  to  Cuba  in  the  one  vessel  that  still  re- 
mained. A  wave  of  enthusiasm  swept  his 
hearers.  Evoked  by  the  hypnotic  eloquence  of 
their  leader,  the  golden  mirage  of  wealth  and 
glory  once  more  dazzled  the  eager  eyes  of  the 
adventurers,  and  the  assembly  that  had  gathered 
in  a  spirit  of  mutiny,  broke  up  with  cheers  and 
shouts  of:  "To  Mexico!  To  Mexico."1 

1  Ixtlilxochitl,  Historia  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxxii.;  Ala- 
man,  Disertacione,  II. ;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lix.;  Orozco 
y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  viii.;  Prescott,  Conquest  of  Mex., 
torn,  i.,  cap.  viii. 


n6  Fernando  Cortes 


Juan  de  Esealante,  alguacil  mayor  of  Vera 
Cruz,  was  left  in  command  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  chosen  amongst  those  least  apt  for 
the  hardships  of  the  long  march,  though  capable 
of  forming  a  sufficient  garrison.  Summoning 
the  Totonac  chiefs  before  him,  Cortes  formally 
presented  Esealante  to  them  saying :  "  This 
man  is  my  brother,  whom  you  must  obey  in 
whatever  he  commands  you,  and  if  the  Mexicans 
attack  you,  have  recourse  to  him  for  he  will 
defend  you."  The  chieftains  swore  obedience  to 
the  new  commander,  saluting  him  and  offering 
him  incense.  The  cacique  of  Cempoalla  fur- 
nished two  hundred  pack-carriers  to  drag  the 
guns  and  carry  the  baggage,  in  addition  to  fifty 
of  his  principal  chiefs  wTho  were  to  act  as  guides 
and  counsellors.  Including  several  hundred 
warriors,  the  Totonacs  numbered  in  all  thirteen 
hundred  men.  Everything  was  ready  for  the 
departure  from  Cempoalla,  wThen  a  messenger 
arrived  from  Esealante  to  inform  Cortes  that 
four  Spanish  ships  1  and  appeared  off  the  coast, 
which  he  had  ascertained  belonged  to  Francisco 

1  This  expedition  was  composed  of  four  ships  carrying 
two  hundred  and  seventy  men,  with  horses  and  cannon, 
and  had  sailed  from  Jamaica  towards  the  close  of  1518, 
under  command  of  Alonzo  Alvarez  de  Pineda. 

Francisco  de  Garay  sailed  with  Columbus  on  his  second 
voyage.  Las  Casas  speaks  of  his  great  wealth,  and  says 
that  he  had  five  thousand  Indians  solely  to  look  after  his 
pigs.  He  went  to  Spain  as  procurator  for  San  Domingo, 
and  returned  as  Lieut.-Governor  of  Jamaica.    When  the 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  117 


de  Garay,  the  governor  of  Jamaica.  The  con- 
duct of  their  captains  seemed  to  him  somewhat 
mysterious,  as  they  had  refused  to  land.  Fear- 
ing that  the  ships  might  carry  a  force  sent  by 
Diego  Velasquez,  Cortes  hastily  returned  with 
a  few  horsemen  to  Vera  Cruz,  leaving  Alvarado 
and  Sandoval  in  command  of  the  forces  at  Cem- 
poalla.  The  ships  had  anchored  some  four 
leagues  to  the  north  of  the  settlement,  and  while 
Cortes  and  his  followers  were  going  thither  they 
encountered  three  of  Garay's  men,  one  of  whom 
was  a  notary  charged  to  warn  him  that  he  was 
trespassing  on  the  territories  granted  to  Garay, 
and  that  he  must  withdraw  from  the  coast.  Cor- 
tes answered  that  if  the  commander  of  the  ex- 
pedition would  meet  him  at  Vera  Cruz,  they 
would  discuss  the  question  of  their  respective 
boundaries,  but  the  notary  replied  that  neither 
the  captain  nor  any  one  else  would  land.  Cortes 
took  the  three  men  prisoners  and  concealed  his 
party  in  the  shrubbery  near  the  coast,  hoping 
that  some  one  else  would  land  from  the  ships. 

news  of  the  Cordoba  and  Grijalba  expeditions  became  the 
excitement  of  the  day,  Garay  sent  out  an  exploring  party 
under  command  of  Diego  de  Camargo  which  discovered 
the  Panuco  region,  and  continuing  thence  about  one 
hundred  leagues  towards  Florida,  finally  returned  to 
Jamaica.  The  Emperor  Charles  V.  granted  Garay  facul- 
ties for  further  enterprise,  and  the  title  of  adelantado  of 
the  new  countries  he  discovered.  Garay  was  one  of  the 
most  cruel  oppressors  of  the  Indians  and  it  was  said  of 
him  that  he  came,  not  to  populate,  but  to  depopulate, 
Jamaica. 


n8  Fernando  Cortes 


Seeing  that  no  one  came  on  shore  he  disguised 
three  of  his  men  in  the  prisoners'  clothing  and 
sent  them  to  signal  the  ships  for  a  boat.  The 
stratagem  was  successful  and,  in  response  to 
the  signals  from  the  shore,  a  boat  landed  three 
or  four  armed  men  whom  the  band  awaiting 
them  in  ambush  immediately  seized.  The  others 
who  remained  in  the  boats,  seeing  their  com- 
panions overpowered,  bent  to  their  oars  and  re- 
turned to  the  ship.  Cortes  thus  increased 
his  force  by  the  welcome  addition  of  seven 
men.1 

All  preparations  for  the  march  being  com- 
pleted, and  the  Garay  incident  disposed  of, 
Cortes  left  Cempoalla  on  August  16,  1519.  Be- 
fore setting  out  he  addressed  his  men  in  the 
peculiarly  winning  and  moving  style,  of  which 
he  possessed  the  secret.  Their  enterprise  was 
undertaken  first  of  all  for  the  glory  of  God  and 
the  propagation  of  the  Faith,  and  hence  the 
divine  protection  would  not  fail  them;  the 
honour  of  the  Spanish  name  was  in  their  hands, 
and  upon  them  depended  the  extension  of  the 
Spanish  sovereignty  over  the  great  and  rich 
country  before  them.  All  hope  of  retreat  or 
succour  being  cut  off,  upon  God's  providence 
and  their  own  brave  hearts  must  their  success 
depend.  Bernal  Diaz  years  afterwards  wrote 
that  his  leader's  phrases  of  honeyed  eloquence 

1  Second  Letter  of  Relation ;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lx. ; 
Orozco  y  Berra,  vol.  iv.,  cap  viii. 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  119 


were  beyond  anything  he  could  repeat.  The 
response  was  neither  slow  in  coming,  nor  doubt- 
ful; acclamations  greeted  the  commander's 
words  and  amidst  the  farewells  of  the  Totonacs, 
the  troops  marched  forth  across  the  luxuriant 
tierra-caliente  and  on  up  the  first  slopes  of  the 
lofty  mountain  chain  of  the  Cordilleras  that 
shuts  off  the  valley  of  Mexico  from  the  sea.1 
The  first  town  in  which  they  rested  was  Xalapa, 
situated  on  the  slope  of  Macuiltepec.  The 
scene  had  changed  in  character,  for  the  glowing 
tierra-caliente  with  its  luxuriance  of  tropical 
vegetation,  feathery  palms,  and  flowering  para- 
sites lay  far  beneath  on  the  rolling  plain  that 
stretched  to  the  azure  waters  of  the  gulf.  The 
tropics  had  given  place  to  the  temperate  zone, 
and  the  country  was  now  covered  with  virgin 
forests  of  dark-foliaged  oak,  while  the  ever- 
ascending  slopes  of  the  Sierra  Madre,  were 
clothed  writh  a  sombre  mantle  of  pines.  Rising 
far  above  this  inspiring  landscape,  towered  the 
snowy  peak  of  Orizaba,  over  the  whiteness  of 
whose  immaculate  summit  a  rosy  glow  was  shed 
from  the  fires  of  its  burning  crater.  Four  days 
of  marching,  always  higher  and  higher,  brought 

1  The  force  numbered  four  hundred  foot  soldiers,  fifteen 
or  sixteen  horsemen,  and  six  pieces  of  artillery.  The 
Totonac  warriors  were  commanded  by  three  chiefs,  Teuch, 
Mamexi,  and  Tamalli.  Prescott  gives  the  number  of  war- 
riors alone  as  1300  and  adds  to  them  1000  bearers.  I 
have  kept  to  the  numbers  given  by  Cortes,  Bernal  Diaz, 
and  Orozco  y  Berra. 


i2o  Fernando  Cortes 


them  to  a  town  called  Xicochimilco,1  whose 
natural  position  for  defence  and  well-constructed 
fortifications,  Cortes  reported  at  some  detail  to 
the  Emperor  in  his  second  letter.  Beyond  this 
place  the  change  in  temperature  from  the  tierra- 
caliente  became  very  marked,  and  after  passing 
the  rugged  defile  called  by  Cortes,  Paso  del 
Nombre  de  Dios,2  they  marched  for  three  days 
through  a  wild  and  forbidding  country  seared 
and  tormented  by  prehistoric  convulsions  of  the 
now  extinct  volcano,  known  as  Cofre  del  Perote  3 
where  the  cold  was  so  great  that  several  of  the 
Indians,  ill-clad  and  unused  to  such  rigorous 
weather,  perished.  In  the  several  towns  where 
a  halt  was  made,  the  cacique  of  each  place  re- 
ceived the  Spaniards  hospitably;  in  some  in- 
stances because  he  was  a  friend  of  the  Totonacs, 
and  in  others  because  he  knew  the  strangers 
were  on  their  way  to  visit  Montezuma.  Every- 
where Cortes  announced  himself  as  the  am- 
bassador of  the  greatest  sovereign  in  the  world, 
to  whom  all  the  Indians  must  acknowledge  alle- 
giance; everywhere  he  denounced  idolatry,  hu- 
man sacrifices,  and  cannibalism  as  contrary  to 
the  laws  of  the  one  supreme  God  and  hence 
forbidden  by  the  King  of  Spain ;  Christian  doc- 

1  Identified  with  probability  as  the  present  town  of 
Naulinco. 

2  Now  called  Paso  del  Obispo. 

3  Humboldt  gives  its  height  as  4089  metres  or  13,314  feet 
above  sea  level. 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  121 


trine  was  preached  by  Fray  Bartolome  de 
Olmedo  and  in  each  town,  a  cross  was  erected 
which  the  Indians  obediently  promised  to 
reverence  after  his  departure. 

Crossing  the  Sierra  del  Agua  by  a  defile,  to 
which  the  name  of  Paso  de  la  Lena  was  given, 
because  of  the  symmetrical  piles  of  hewn  wood 
found  there,  the  Spaniards  emerged  into  a  vast 
stretch  of  fertile  and  well  cultivated  valley, 
called  Caltanmic,  in  the  midst  of  whose  planta- 
tions of  bananas  and  maize  stood  the  handsome 
town  of  Xocotla  that  seemed  to  the  Spaniards 
even  larger  and  better  built  than  Cempoalla. 
Xocotla  was  the  residence  of  the  lord  of  Caltan- 
mic, whose  name  was  Olintetl,  a  man  of  such 
immense  size  that  he  had  to  be  supported  by 
two  of  his  kinsmen  when  he  walked.  The  Span- 
iards promptly  nicknamed  him  "  the  trembler  " 
because  he  shook  like  a  jelly.  Though  he  pro- 
vided for  the  wants  of  his  self-invited  guests, 
OlintetPs  reception  of  them  was  somewhat  want- 
ing in  cordiality.  When  asked  if  he  were  a 
vassal  of  Montezuma's,  he  answTered  with  an 
air  of  surprise,  "  And  who  is  not  a  vassal  of 
Montezuma?  "  Cortes  was  not  slow  in  explain- 
ing that  he  and  his  men  were  vassals  of  a  far 
greater  sovereign,  whom  many  kings  and  princes 
held  themselves  honoured  to  serve.  The  cacique 
was  not  visibly  impressed  by  these  descriptions 
of  a  distant  sovereign  whom  he  did  not  know,  and 
he  replied,  telling  Cortes  that  Montezuma  ruled 


i22  Fernando  Cortes 


over  thirty  great  vassals,  each  of  whom  could 
put  a  hundred  thousand  soldiers  in  the  field; 
his  magnificence  and  wealth  were  incalculable 
and  his  capital,  standing  in  the  midst  of  a  lake, 
was  the  most  beautiful  of  cities,  and  unapproach- 
able save  only  with  his  permission,  for  his  boats 
commanded  the  lake,  and  the  causeways  leading 
to  the  mainland  were  defended  by  his  troops 
and  provided  with  drawbridges.  Cortes  gleaned 
much  information  from  the  boasting  Olintetl, 
which,  though  of  a  disquieting  order,  only  served 
to  stimulate  his  indomitable  determination  to 
advance.1  Olintetl  listened  with  impassive  mien 
to  the  exposition  of  the  Christian  religion  made 
by  Fray  Bartolome  and  also  refused  the  gold 
asked  of  him,  saying  that  he  would  only  give 
it  if  ordered  to  do  so  by  Montezuma,  who  might 
dispose  of  all  he  possessed.  Fray  Bartolome, 
perceiving  the  folly  as  well  as  the  dangers  of 
attempting  to  force  unacceptable  doctrine  on  the 
cacique,  checked  the  missionary  zeal  of  Cortes 
and  dissuaded  him  from  his  intention  to  erect 
a  cross  at  Xocotla. 

Olintetl  offered  to  send  guides  to  conduct  the 
Spaniards  on  their  way  to  Mexico  as  far  as  the 
city  of  Cholula,  without  leaving  Mexican  terri- 
tory. The  Cempoallans  gave  just  the  contrary 
advice,  declaring  that  the  Cholulans  were  false 
and  treacherous  people,  friends  of  Montezuma, 
and  that  the  best  road  lay  through  the  republic 

1Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxi. 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  123 


of  Tlascala,  with  whose  people  the  Spaniards 
should  form  an  alliance.  Cortes  accepted  the 
advice  of  the  Cempoallans  and  despatched  four 
of  them  as  his  messengers,  to  ask  permission  of 
the  regents  of  Tlascala  to  pass  through  their 
territory.1 

To  ensure  a  favourable  reception  for  his  en- 
voys, he  sent  gifts  to  the  regents,  consisting  of 
a  red  Flemish  hat,  a  crossbow,  and  a  sword. 
He  also  gave  them  a  letter  couched  in  flattering 
terms,  carefully  instructing  the  messengers  to 
explain  its  sense,  as  the  Spanish  document 
would  only  serve  as  a  formal,  if  incomprehen- 
sible, credential,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Tlascalans. 

More  than  the  necessary  time  for  their  return 
having  elapsed  without  anything  being  heard  of 
his  messengers,  and  the  four  days  of  repose 
at  Xocotla  having  refreshed  his  men,  Cortes 
marched  to  a  town  of  some  five  or  six  thousand 
inhabitants  called  Yxtacamaxtitlan.2  He  de- 
scribed the  fortress  of  this  place  in  his  Second 
Letter  of  Relation  to  the  Emperor  as  "  a  better 
one  than  could  be  found  in  half  Spain."  3  Here 
he  determined  to  await  the  reply  from  the 
regents. 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxii. ;  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  xliv. ; 
Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xxvii. 

2  Ixtacmaxtitlan,  in  the  present  state  of  Puebla.  For 
convenience'  sake  the  town  was  removed  from  the  hill- 
top in  1601  and  built  on  its  present  site  lower  down. 

3  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  125. 


i24  Fernando  Cortes 


Tlascala  was  an  independent  republic  com- 
posed of  four  federated  states,  each  ruled  by 
its  chief,  while  federal  affairs  were  controlled 
by  a  senate  1  composed  of  the  four  rulers  and 
their  principal  nobles.  The  Tlascalans  were  a 
brave  and  hardy  people,  well  advanced  in  mili- 
tary science,  who  had  preserved  the  indepen- 
dence of  their  mountain  republic  against  the 
ever-encroaching  power  of  Montezuma  some- 
what as  the  Montenegrins,  in  their  mountain 
fastness,  have  ever  successfully  withstood  the 
Ottoman  sultans. 

When  the  Spaniards  came  to  understand  more 
about  the  Mexican  empire,  it  caused  them  no 
small  wonder  that  Montezuma,  with  all  his 
powerful  allies,  should  nevertheless  tolerate 
the  existence  of  this  small,  hostile  state  in  the 
midst  of  his  own  dominions.  Andres  de  Tapia 
states  in  his  Relacion  that,  in  reply  to  his  ques- 
tion to  Montezuma  as  to  why  he  did  not  crush 
the  Tlascalans  at  one  blow,  the  Emperor  said: 
"  We  could  perfectly  well  do  so,  but  afterwards 
there  would  be  no  place  left  where  our  young 
warriors  could  obtain  their  military  training, 
without  going  a  great  distance  from  here;  we 
also  constantly  require  these  people  to  furnish 
victims  for  sacrifices  to  our  gods."  According 

1  Orozco  y  Berra  objects  to  the  word  senate  as  inac- 
curately describing  the  form  of  federal  council,  and  calls 
the  governing  body  senoria.  Cortes  likened  the  system 
of  government  to  those  of  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pisa. 


The  Destruction  of  the  Ships  125 


to  this  declaration  of  Montezuma,  the  Tlascalans 
owed  their  continued  independent  existence  to 
his  interested  toleration,  rather  than  to  their 
own  ability  to  defend  themselves. 

Their  state  was  so  completely  hemmed  in  on 
all  sides  that  even  commercial  intercourse  was 
cut  off,  and  their  chief  pursuit  was  agriculture. 
They  were  deprived  of  the  use  of  salt 1  and 
cotton-stuffs,  since  the  former  commodity  was 
not  found  within  their  borders  and  the  latter 
was  not  produced  at  such  a  high  altitude.2 
Their  wTarriors  were  the  equals,  if  not  the 
superiors  of  the  Aztecs  in  the  field,  fighting  with 
the  same  weapons  and  employing  the  same  tac- 
tics. They  were  trained  from  infancy  to  detest 
the  Mexicans  as  the  hereditary  foes  of  their  na- 
tion, and  the  Cempoallans  assured  Cortes  that 
he  would  find  them  ready  and  valiant  allies 
against  Montezuma. 

Still  the  messengers  did  not  return,  and  as 
some  disquietude  was  even  felt  at  their  long 
absence,  Cortes  decided  to  advance.    The  fron- 

1  Called  by  the  Indians  "  tequesquit."  It  is  made  from 
the  saltpetre,  which  was  largely  found  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Itztapalapan  and  Ixtapaluca  (Ixtabl  meaning  salt- 
petre), and  formed  an  important  article  of  commerce, 
which,  however,  did  not  reach  the  Tlascalans  on  account 
of  the  permanent  state  of  hostilities.  As  they  were  also 
cut  off  from  the  sea,  salt  had  been  for  fifty  years  an 
almost  unknown  luxury  amongst  them;  cotton  which  was 
a  product  of  the  tierra-caliente  was  for  the  same  reason 
denied  them. 

2  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  195. 


i26  Fernando  Cortes 


tier  of  the  republic  was  defined  by  a  massive 
stone  wall,  nine  feet  high  and  twenty  feet 
thick  that  extended  for  a  distance  of  two  leagues 
across  the  valley,  effectually  barring  out  all 
comers.  Cortes  described  this  wall  as  being 
built  of  "  dry  stones  "  but  Bernal  Diaz  says  the 
stones  were  held  together  by  such  a  strong  ce- 
ment that  it  could  scarcely  be  broken  with 
pikes.1  Two  semicircular  lines  of  wall  over- 
lapping one  another  in  such  wise  as  to  form  a 
passage  ten  paces  wide  and  forty  long,  afforded 
the  only  opening.  To  pass  through  this  narrow 
circuitous  lane,  between  two  high  stone  walls, 
from  whose  parapets  armed  warriors  could  rain 
down  missiles  on  those  below,  was  to  march 
into  a  veritable  death-trap.  When  the  Span- 
iards arrived  at  this  singular  barricade  they 
found  it  undefended,  so  they  marched  through 
and  entered  the  republic  without  opposition. 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  Second  Letter,  p.  197;  Bernal  Diaz, 
cap.  lxii. 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  SPANISH-TLASOALAN  ALLIANCE 

The  Senate  of  Tlascala — Spanish  Victories —  Cruel  Treat- 
ment of  Spies — The  Alliance — Effect  on  Montezuma 
— Cortes  in  Tlascala. 

WHILE  the  events  described  in  the  last  chap- 
ter were  happening,  the  four  Cempoallan 
envoys  were  conducting  important  negotiations 
in  the  city  of  Tlascala.  They  presented  them- 
selves at  the  city  gates,  wearing  the  insignia  of 
ambassadors  and  were  consequently  conducted 
to  the  council  chamber  where  they  were  regaled 
with  a  feast,  after  the  Indian  fashion,  while  the 
four  overlords  were  assembling.  Their  recep- 
tion was  marked  by  the  punctilious  formalities 
prescribed  by  Indian  etiquette  and,  after  deliver- 
ing the  letter  and  the  presents,  the  eldest  of 
them  addressed  the  Tlascalan  lords,  recounting 
the  arrival  of  the  teules  at  Cempoalla  and  the 
liberation,  through  their  intervention,  of  that 
country  from  the  tyranny  of  Montezuma.  He 
repeated  what  had  been  told  them  of  the  power 
of  the  Spanish  King,  who  had  sent  the  strangers 
to  Mexico,  and  explained,  as  best  he  could,  the 
new  religion  that  was  being  everywhere  ex- 
pounded to  the  people.  In  conclusion,  he  said 
that  the  Spaniards  wished  to  visit  Tlascala  and 

127 


i28  Fernando  Cortes 


that  it  seemed  to  the  Cempoallans  an  admirable 
occasion  for  the  Tlascalans  to  form  an  alliance 
against  their  ancient  enemy,  Montezuma. 

The  four  rulers  listened  to  the  envoy's  dis- 
course and,  at  its  close,  declared  that  they  ac- 
cepted the  present  sent  them  by  the  teules,  but 
it  would  be  necessary  to  deliberate  before  an- 
swering the  proposition  of  the  Cempoallans  to 
form  an  alliance  with  them.  The  envoys  with- 
drew, only  to  be  assailed  by  the  eager  populace 
with  a  thousand  questions  concerning  the  white 
men,  which  they  answered  in  such  wise  as  to 
both  satisfy  and  inflame  the  interest  of  their 
hearers. 

Maxixcatzin,  lord  of  Ocotelolco,  was  the  first 
of  the  four  lords  to  address  his  co-regents  on  the 
proposition  of  the  Cempoallans.  He  observed 
that  the  Cempoallans  were  enemies  of  Montezuma 
and  counselled  the  Tlascalans  to  receive  the 
strangers,  who  seemed  from  their  extraordinary 
deeds  to  be  armed  gods  rather  than  mere  men,  and 
who  now  offered  their  potent  assistance  against 
the  Mexicans.  His  hearers  knew  from  the  tra- 
ditions handed  down  from  their  remote  ances- 
tors that  there  would  one  day  arrive  children 
of  the  sun,  coming  from  the  East,  whose  valour 
would  be  such  that  one  of  them  might  stand 
against  a  thousand  men;  it  appeared  to  him 
that  they  were  now  assisting  at  the  fulfilment 
of  these  ancient  prophecies  and  that  they  should 
receive  these  powerful  strangers  with  open  arms 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  129 


lest,  otherwise,  refusal  to  do  so  might  bring 
disaster  on  the  republic.1 

At  the  close  of  Maxixcatzin's  speech,  Xicoten- 
catl,  lord  of  Titzatlan,  who  was  the  oldest  of  all 
and  blind,2  rose  to  reply.  He  took  a  contrary 
view  of  the  expediency  of  admitting  the  so- 
called  teules  into  their  state  and  city;  the  rites 
of  hospitality  were  sacred,  and  it  was  a  divine 
precept  to  receive  the  stranger  and  assist  him, 
but  not  when  he  came  with  evil  intentions.  As 
for  the  prophecies,  their  purport  was  obscure, 
nor  were  they  to  be  lightly  interpreted.  If  these 
strangers  were  brave,  why  so  were  the  Tlas- 
calans  and  it  would  only  betray  weakness  to  allow 
such  a  small  body  of  men  to  invade  their  country 
unopposed;  for  if  they  were  mere  mortals,  they 
could  be  destroyed,  while  if  they  were  gods  there 
would  be  time  to  placate  them  later  on.  As  for 
his  part,  they  seemed  to  him  more  like  monsters 
than  like  gods,  monsters  thrown  up  by  the  sea 
because  the  sea  would  no  longer  contain  them. 
For  these,  and  other  reasons  that  he  exposed, 
the  venerable  Xicotencatl  opposed  the  admission 
of  the  Spaniards  into  Tlascalan  territory.3 

Divided  between  these  two  opinions,  the  as- 

1  Munoz  Camargo,  Historia  de  Tlaxcalla;  Herrera,  dec. 
ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  iii.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xxvii.; 
Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  ix. 

2  XicotencatFs  age,  though  great,  was  probably  not  140 
years  as  is  stated  by  several  authorities. 

3  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  ix.;  Munoz  Camargo, 
Hist,  de  la  Republica  de  Tlaxcallan. 


130  Fernando  Cortes 


sembly  of  nobles  seemed  unable  to  reach  a  de- 
cision, when  Tlehuezolotzin,  lord  of  Tlepticpac, 
offered  the  Machiavellian  proposition  to  wel- 
come the  commander  of  the  teules  by  means  of 
a  friendly  message  sent  through  the  Cempoallan 
envoys,  and  meanwhile  to  send  a  force  of  bar- 
barous Otomies,  under  command  of  the  Tlas- 
calan  commander-in-chief;  General  Xicotencatl, 
to  contest  their  advance.  If  the  Otomies  were 
victorious,  the  credit  would  redound  to  Tlascala, 
while  if  they  were  defeated,  the  republic  could 
disown  their  act. 

This  solution  of  the  difficulty  seems  to  have 
been  received  with  general  applause  and  at  any 
rate  was  adopted.  General  Xicotencatl,  son  of 
the  venerable  regent  of  the  same  name,  wras  a 
valiant  soldier,  eager  for  glory  and  he  was  scep- 
tical of  the  divinity  attributed  to  the  Spaniards. 
To  gain  time  in  which  to  complete  his  arrange- 
ments for  the  attack,  the  Cempoallan  messengers 
were  detained  by  one  pretext  or  another  and 
were  finally  even  imprisoned  to  prevent  their 
premature  departure.1  Such  were  the  reasons 
for  the  long  period  of  delay,  during  wiiich  both 
Spaniards  and  Totonacs  were  wondering  and 
chafing  at  Yxtacamaxtitlan.  Cortes  advanced 
some  four  leagues  beyond  the  great  wall  of  Tlas- 
cala, despite  the  entreaties  of  the  cacique  of 
Yxtacamaxtitlan,  who  again  warned  him  against 

1  Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  iii.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv., 
cap.  xxii. 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  13 1 


the  Tlascalans  and  offered  to  conduct  him  to 
Mexico  by  way  of  Cholula. 

Accompanied  by  six  horsemen,  he  rode  about 
half  a  league  ahead  of  his  army,  while  a  body 
of  light  infantry  acted  as  scouts,  supported  by 
a  vanguard  of  musketeers  and  crossbowmen. 
The  artillery  was  placed  in  the  centre,  and  the 
rear  was  brought  up  by  some  two  thousand 
Indians  in  charge  of  the  baggage  and  provisions. 
The  first  hostile  encounter  was  with  a  small 
body  of  Indians,  armed  with  the  maquahuitl 
and  rodela,1  who  attacked  the  Spaniards  with 
great  courage,  showing  no  fear  either  of  fire- 
arms or  horses.  They  succeeded  in  unhorsing 
one  man,  who  afterwards  died  of  his  wounds, 
and  two  horses  were  killed  outright:  according 
to  Gomara,  they  were  decapitated  at  a  single 
blow.  The  Indians  finally  withdrew  in  good 
order.    Four  Spaniards  were  wounded  in  this 

1  The  maquahuitl  was  a  club  about  three  and  a  half 
feet  long  in  which  blades  of  the  stone  called  itztli,  as 
sharp  as  razors,  were  fixed;  rodelas  were  stout  shields, 
usually  round  in  shape  and  decorated  with  coloured 
feathers.  The  darts,  which  are  so  frequently  mentioned, 
were  short  lances,  whose  points  were  tipped  with  bone  or 
copper,  or  simply  hardened  in  the  fire.  Clavigero  identi- 
fies them  with  the  Roman  Jaculum  or,  Telum  Amentatum, 
and  says  they  were  the  weapons  most  feared  by  the 
Spaniards.  As  marksmen,  the  Mexican  bowmen  were 
marvellously  quick  and  accurate;  their  arrows  were  also 
pointed  with  bone,  but,  singularly  enough,  there  is  no 
mention  throughout  the  conquest  of  poison  being  used  on 
them. 


132  Fernando  Cortes 


engagement  while  the  Indians  had  seventeen 
killed  and  an  immense  number  of  wounded.1 

As  the  Spaniards  advanced,  they  were  met  by 
two  of  the  Cempoallan  envoys  accompanied  by 
two  Tlascalans  who  disavowed  all  responsibility 
for  the  recent  engagements,  inviting  them  to 
come  to  their  capital  and  offering  to  pay  for  the 
horses  that  had  been  killed.2  Whatever  im- 
portance he  may  have  attached  to  these  excuses 
and  protestations,  Cortes  feigned  to  accept  them 
in  good  faith.  The  night  was  passed  hardly 
enough;  the  only  food  obtainable  was  some 
little  dog-like  animals  and  tunas,  or  Mexican 
figs,  while  for  dressing  their  wounds,  the  soldiers 
had  only  the  grease  from  a  fat  Indian  whom 
they  had  killed  and  cut  open.3  The  next  day, 
the  first  of  September,  the  two  Cempoallan  en- 
voys who  had  been  imprisoned  in  the  City  of 
Tlascala  appeared,  having  escaped  during  the 
night.4  They  related  that  the  Tlascalans  had 
intended  to  sacrifice  them  and  they  brought  the 
news  that  an  immense  force  was  under  arms 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxii.  Cortes  gives  the  number  of 
Indians  killed  at  fifty  or  sixty. 

2  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  199. 

3  Bernal  Diaz,  loc.  cit.;  Gomara,  cap.  xlv. 

4  Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi. ;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap. 
xxx.  Orozco  y  Berra  disbelieves  this  assertion  of  the 
envoys,  saying  that  all  those  people  observed  with  the 
strictest  fidelity  the  immunities  of  ambassadors  (Con- 
quista  de  Mexico,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  ix.).  There  would  in- 
deed seem  to  be  no  possible  reason  why  the  envoys  should 
have  been  so  roughly  treated. 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  133 


to  attack  the  Spaniards.  These  tidings  were 
speedily  confirmed  by  the  appearance  of  about 
one  thousand  Indians,  who  advanced  with  shouts 
and  warlike  gestures.  Cortes  ordered  his  in- 
terpreters to  declare  that  his  intentions  were 
pacific  and  that  he  had  not  come  there  to  fight 
but  merely  to  pass  through  their  territory,  be- 
lieving they  were  willing  to  allow  this.  The 
notary  Godoy  made  a  record  of  this  transaction 
so  that  no  blame  should  attach  to  the  Spaniards 
for  any  blood  that  might  be  shed. 

Seeing  that  his  peaceful  advances  were  met 
by  increased  fury,  Cortes  gave  the  order  to 
charge,  and  with  their  usual  battle-cry  of  "  San- 
tiago ! "  the  Spaniards  plunged  into  the  fray. 
After  some  hours  of  sharp  fighting,  the  Indians 
began  to  draw  off  in  an  orderly  fashion,  while 
the  Spaniards,  pressing  after  them,  were  art- 
fully drawn  into  a  narrow  defile  intersected  by 
a  watercourse,  where  the  ground  rendered  the 
artillery  and  cavalry  practically  unavailable. 
The  crafty  Indians  had  decoyed  them  into  an 
ambush,  for  all  of  a  sudden,  their  astonished 
eyes  beheld  a  countless  multitude  of  warriors, 
amongst  whom  could  be  discerned  the  standard 
of  Xicotencatl,  his  colours  red  and  wiiite  sur- 
mounted by  a  white  heron  with  spread  wings.1 
Cortes  estimated  the  number  of  the  Indians  at 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxiii. ;  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv., 
cap.  ix. 


i34  Fernando  Cortes 


more  than  one  hundred  thousand/  while  Bernal 
Diaz  says  they  exceeded  forty  thousand  and 
other  writers  give  various  estimates  between 
these  two  extremes.  With  shrill  cries  and  the 
beating  of  drums,  this  vast  host  which,  by  its 
numbers  alone  might  well  hope  to  engulf  the  little 
group  of  Spaniards,  rushed  to  the  attack.  The 
first  Spaniard  to  fall  was  Pedro  Moron,  whose 
horse  was  killed,  leaving  him  on  foot  amongst  his 
foes.  No  less  than  ten  of  his  companions  were 
wounded  in  their  attempts  to  rescue  him  and, 
though  their  efforts  were  finally  successful,  he 
succumbed  to  his  injuries  the  following  day. 
The  body  of  the  dead  horse  was  cut  in  pieces 
to  be  distributed  throughout  the  Tlascalan  terri- 
tory as  trophies  of  the  fight.  Cortes  managed  to 
shift  the  action  to  more  level  ground  where  the 
employment  of  his  cavalry  and  artillery  became 
easier.  The  Indians,  being  massed  together, 
were  simply  mowed  down  by  the  guns,  while  the 
horsemen,  armed  with  lances,  galloped  amongst 
the  now  retreating  enemy,  doing  terrible  exe- 
cution. Towards  sunset  Xicotencatl  sounded 
the  retreat,  drawing  off  his  men  in  good  form, 
though  eight  of  their  chief  commanders  had 
fallen.  Cortes  chose  a  secure  position  for  his 
camping  place  on  the  hill  of  Yzompachtepetl, 
where  there  stood  a  tower,  and  conducted  his 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  200;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap. 
lxiii. 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  135 


forces  thither.  Prescott  remarks  that  whoever 
has  consulted  the  ancient  Spanish  chroniclers 
in  relation  to  wars  with  the  infidel,  wiiether 
Arab  or  American,  will  place  little  confidence 
in  their  numbers.  We  need  not  therefore  de- 
tain ourselves  to  speculate  as  to  the  correct 
number  of  the  slain  and  wounded  in  this  engage- 
ment, whether  Spanish  or  Indian.  Cortes  de- 
clared that  not  one  Spaniard  was  killed  though 
many  were  wounded;  Bernal  Diaz  admits  one 
killed,  while  on  the  Indian  side,  no  proper  count 
was  made.  Certainly,  the  Christians  in  this,  as 
in  countless  later  battles,  owed  their  lives  to  the 
determination  of  the  Indians  to  capture  them 
alive  for  sacrifice. 

After  one  day  of  welcome  repose,  Cortes  re- 
sumed hostilities,  sallying  forth  from  his  camp 
to  surprise  five  or  six  small  villages  in  the 
neighbourhood.  The  prisoners  captured  during 
this  action,  numbering  about  four  hundred,  were 
treated  kindly  and  released,  being  told  to  return 
to  their  people  and  dissuade  them  from  con- 
tinuing their  unreasonable  attacks  upon  the 
Spaniards,  who  desired  nothing  so  much  as  their 
friendship.  A  letter  was  likewise  addressed  to 
the  four  regents  of  the  republic  explaining  that 
there  had  been  no  intention  to  give  them  offence, 
and  that  all  the  Spaniards  asked  was  their 
permission  to  march  peaceably  through  their 
country.  The  next  day,  two  of  these  messengers 
returned  with  a  defiant  reply  from  the  young 


136  Fernando  Cortes 


general  Xicotencatl.  Cortes  extracted  from  the 
two  nobles  who  brought  this  haughty  answer,  the 
information  that  the  troops  marshalling  against 
him  were  those  of  Tlascala,  although  the  enemy 
sought  to  dissemble  this  fact.  Xicotencatl  was 
the  influence  most  hostile  to  the  Spaniards  in  the 
Tlascalan  council,  and  his  son's  troops,  number- 
ing fifty  thousand,  wrere  divided  into  five  bat- 
talions of  ten  thousand  men  each.  Bernal  Diaz 
owned  that  the  fear  of  death  was  upon  every 
Spaniard  and  that  all  confessed  their  sins,  so 
that  the  friar,  Bartolome  de  Olmedo,  and  the 
chaplain,  Juan  Diaz,  were  occupied  during  the 
wThole  night  in  administering  the  sacrament  of 
penance.1 

The  decisive  engagement  began  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  fifth  of  September.  The  singular  fact 
is  recorded  by  several  early  historians  that 
Xicotencatl  sent  three  hundred  turkeys  and 
two  hundred  baskets  of  tamalhi  or  maize  cakes 
to  the  Spaniards'  camp,  so  that  they  might  eat 
a  good  meal  before  fighting  and  not  afterwards 
attribute  their  defeat  to  weakness  from  hunger.2 
Before  going  into  the  engagement  Cortes  made 
one  of  the  simple  but  stirring  speeches  he  was 
accustomed  to  address  to  his  men,  giving  them 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxiv. 

2  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxxiii. ;  Gomara, 
cap.  xlvii.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xxxii.;  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  vi.  Cortes  omits  to  mention  this 
gift  and  Prescott  discredits  the  story. 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  137 


also  some  practical  instructions.  There  must  be 
no  straggling,  for  their  one  hope  lay  in  keeping 
compactly  together.  The  foot-soldiers  were  told 
to  use  the  points,  rather  than  the  edges  of  their 
swords,  the  horsemen  must  charge  at  half  speed 
and  aim  their  lances  at  the  eyes  of  their  foes, 
and  the  artillery,  crossbowmen,  and  arquebusiers 
must  so  manage  that  an  incessant  fire  should  be 
kept  up,  some  loading,  while  the  others  dis- 
charged the  pieces. 

Cortes  reported  that  day's  victory  to  the  Em- 
peror in  terms  only  somewhat  less  laconic  than 
Csesar's  immortal  Yeni,  vidi,  vici.  In  his  second 
letter  he  wrote :  "  We  mustered  against  them  and 
our  Lord  was  pleased  to  so  aid  us,  that  in  about 
four  hours  we  managed  that  they  should  no  more 
molest  us  in  our  camp,  though  they  still  kept  up 
some  attacks;  thus  we  kept  fighting  until  it 
grew  to  be  late,  when  they  retired." 

Cortes  followed  up  his  victory  by  two  meas- 
ures designed  to  illustrate  both  his  wish  for 
peace  and  his  readiness  for  war.  He  despatched 
an  embassy  the  next  day  to  the  city  of  Tlascala, 
bearing  his  ultimatum  to  the  rulers  of  the  re- 
public. After  reiterating  his  professions  of 
good-will  and  his  desire  for  their  friendship,  he 
declared  himself  ready  to  forget  the  recent  hos- 
tilities; were  his  offer  rejected,  however,  he 
would  raze  their  capital  to  the  ground  and  put 
every  inhabitant  to  the  sword.  The  envoys  bore 
his  letter  offering  peace,  and  an  arrow, — the 


138  Fernando  Cortes 


Tlascalans  might  choose.  While  this  embassy 
was  absent,  Cortes  left  his  camp  at  the  head  of 
his  horsemen,  one  hundred  infantry,  and  some 
Indian  allies,  to  destroy  some  neighbouring 
villages.  In  reporting  the  success  of  this  sortie 
to  the  Emperor  he  wrote :  "  As  we  carried  the 
banner  of  the  Holy  Cross  and  were  fighting  for 
our  Faith  and  in  the  service  of  your  Sacred 
Majesty,  to  your  Eoyal  good  fortune,  God  gave 
us  such  victory  that  we  slew  many  people,  with- 
out ourselves  sustaining  any  injury."  The 
banner  mentioned  was  made  of  black  silk  bear- 
ing the  arms  of  Charles  V.,  and  on  both  sides, 
a  red  cross  surrounded  by  white  and  blue  rays. 
It  bore  the  legend  Amici  sequamur  crucem  et 
si  fidem  habemus  in  hoc  signo  vinceremus.1 

The  envoys  had  meanwhile  been  courteously 
received  by  the  rulers  of  Tlascala,  a  fact  that 
confirms  our  suspicion  that  the  former  mes- 
sengers, who  pretended  they  had  been  ill-treated 
and  destined  for  sacrifice,  were  untruthful; 
but,  although  dismay  pervaded  the  senate  and 
people,  their  indomitable  courage  still  forbade 
surrender  on  any  terms,  however  favourable. 
Maxixcatzin's  advice  to  make  peace  and  an 
alliance  with  the  formidable  teules  was  again 
rejected,  the  young  general  Xicotencatl  de- 
claring that  the  stain  inflicted  for  the  first  time 
on  the  prestige  of  their  arms  could  only  be 

1  Elaborated  from  the  labarum  of  Constantine. 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  139 


obliterated  by  retrieving  their  defeat.  Recourse 
was  had  to  the  priests  and  magicians,  of  whom 
the  inquiring  senators  demanded  wThether  the 
strangers  were  really  gods  or  only  men.  The 
answer  had  in  it  perhaps  more  wisdom  than 
appears  at  first  hearing.  The  priests  declared 
that  the  white  men  were  not  really  gods  but 
children  of  the  sun,  from  whose  beams  they  de- 
rived their  strength  and  wisdom.  They  coun- 
selled therefore  a  night  attack,  as  when  the  light 
of  the  sun  was  quenched,  the  teules  were  de- 
prived of  his  assistance  and  were  no  stronger 
than  ordinary  mortals.  It  was  contrary  to  the 
customs  of  the  Tlascalans,  and  indeed  of  all 
the  Indian  tribes  of  Anahuac,  to  fight  at  night, 
and  it  has  been  thought  that  this  oracular  ut- 
terance, violating  what  was  almost  a  law  of  the 
nations,  was  suggested  by  Xicotencatl,  who  only 
wanted  the  necessary  authority  to  attack  the 
Spaniards  in  the  dark,  when  the  artillery  and 
horses,  being  unseen,  would  spread  less  con- 
sternation amongst  his  men. 

On  the  seventh  of  September  a  Tlascalan 
embassy  appeared  in  the  Spanish  camp,  bring- 
ing some  presents  and  five  slaves,  saying :  "  If 
you  are  gods  who  eat  flesh  and  blood,  eat  these 
Indians,  and  if  you  are  beneficent  deities  we 
offer  you  incense  and  feathers;  and  if  you  are 
men,  behold  here  fowls  and  maize  and  cherries." 
Cortes  repeated  his  former  declarations  and  as- 
sured them  that  he  and  his  men  were  simple 


i4o  Fernando  Cortes 


mortals  like  themselves.1  That  same  evening, 
some  fifty  Tlascalans  came  to  the  Spanish  camp, 
ostensibly  to  bring  provisions,  but  one  of  the 
Cempoallan  chiefs  called  the  attention  of  Cortes 
to  the  interest  with  which  these  men  seemed  to  be 
peering  about,  and  expressed  his  conviction  that 
they  were  spies.  One  by  one  Cortes  had  them 
enticed  apart  from  their  companions  and,  by 
frightening  and  cross-questioning  them,  he 
learned  about  the  projected  night-attack  and 
the  reasons  that  had  prompted  it.  He  cut  off 
the  hands  of  the  spies  and  sent  them  back  to 
tell  Xicotencatl  to  come  whenever  he  chose,  by 
day  or  by  night,  for  he  would  always  find  the 
Spaniards  ready  for  him.2  Martial  law  every- 
where deals  severely  with  spies  and  the  death 
penalty  would  not  have  exceeded  their  deserts, 
— perhaps  it  would  have  been  more  merciful 
than  such  barbarous  mutilation.3  Prescott  ob- 
serves that  "  it  is  too  much  to  ask  of  any  man, 
still  less  of  one  bred  to  the  iron  trade  of  war,  to 
be  in  advance  of  the  refinement  of  his  age.  We 
may  be  content  if,  in  circumstances  so  unfavour- 
able to  humanity,  he  does  not  fall  below  it." 

1  Relation  de  Andres  de  Tapia,  in  Garcia  Icazbalceta, 
p.  569;  Gomara,  cap.  xlvii.;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vi., 
cap.  vii. 

2  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  202;  Gomara,  cap.  xlviii.; 
Relation  de  Andres  de  Tapia,  p.  570. 

3  The  entire  garrison  of  Uxellodunum  had  their  right 
hands  amputated  by  Caesar's  order  and,  thus  mutilated, 
were  sent  back  to  their  homes. 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  141 


However  repugnant  to  our  liumaner  feelings 
such  punishments  may  be,  the  logic  of  the  his- 
torian's observation  compels  our  assent. 

The  night  attack  that  followed  was  repulsed, 
as  the  Tlascalans,  perceiving  that  their  intended 
surprise  was  a  failure,  made  but  a  poor  fight 
and  then  fled  away  into  the  darkness.  Several 
days  of  quiet  ensued,  save  for  some  small  skir- 
mishing in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  camp. 
Despite  their  repeated  victories  against  such 
appalling  odds,  the  soldiers  were  becoming  dis- 
couraged, and  discontent  seethed  throughout 
the  camp;  fifty-five  men  had  perished,  most  of 
the  survivors  were  wounded, — some  of  them  se- 
verely,— and  a  dozen,  of  whom  Cortes  was  one, 
suffered  from  fever.  The  strain  on  their  forces 
of  resistance  wTas  terrible,  for  they  lived  in  their 
harness  and  slept, — when  at  all, — with  their 
arms  by  their  sides.  Those  who  had  come  half- 
heartedly and  against  their  will,  the  partisans 
of  Diego  Velasquez  and  those  who  were  frankly 
afraid,  despairing  of  success,  formed  the  nuc- 
leus of  a  discontent  that  spread  daily,  influencing 
the  others.  Cortes  overheard  it  said  that  if  he 
were  so  mad  as  to  rush  into  a  situation  from 
which  he  could  never  escape,  there  was  no  rea- 
son why  the  others  should  do  likewise,  and  that 
the  best  thing  for  them  to  do,  was  to  return 
to  the  coast,  with  or  without  him,  as  he  chose. 
This  state  of  unrest  culminated  one  day,  in 
seven  men  presenting  themselves  before  their 


142  Fernando  Cortes 


commander,  to  declare  that,  in  view  of  the  im- 
mense difficulties  ahead  of  them,  their  small 
number,  and  the  multitude  of  the  enemy,  they 
thought  the  expedition  should  return  to  Vera 
Cruz  and  obtain  reinforcements  before  attempt- 
ing anything  further.  Cortes  replied  in  his 
most  suave  and  gentle  manner,  calling  their  at- 
tention to  the  almost  miraculous  success  they 
had  so  far  achieved,  and  which  he  attributed  to 
the  special  protection  of  Almighty  God,  for 
whose  glory  they  were  fighting:  to  retreat  to 
the  coast  would  be  to  lose  all  their  prestige,  for 
the  move  would  be  ascribed  both  by  their  foes 
and  their  allies  to  fear  of  Montezuma.  His 
winning  eloquence  did  not  prove  so  immediately 
effective  as  usual,  and  despite  his  arguments, 
the  grumblers  still  persisted,  until  he  cut  them 
short  by  exclaiming  that  it  was  better  to  die 
with  honour  than  to  live  disgraced.  This  sen- 
timent touched  the  right  chord,  and  was  loudly 
approved  by  the  majority.1 

Montezuma  had  followed  the  movements  of 
the  Spaniards  with  unabating  interest  and  no 
small  satisfaction,  arguing  that  if  they  defeated 
the  Tlascalans,  they  were  destroying  his  enemies, 
while  if  the  Tlascalans  overcame  the  Spaniards 
then  he  would  be  rid  of  their  obnoxious  pres- 
ence.    When  the  proposals  of  peace  were  re- 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxix.;  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i., 
p.  204, 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  143 


ported  to  him,  however,  he  took  alarm,  for  an  al- 
liance between  Spaniards  and  Tlascalans  was  the 
last  thing  he  wished  to  see  consummated.  After 
consultation  with  his  advisers,  he  decided  to  send 
an  embassy  with  presents  to  congratulate  Cortes 
on  his  victories.  Six  nobles,  accompanied  by 
an  escort  of  two  hundred  attendants,  departed 
on  this  mission  and,  on  arriving  at  the  Spanish 
camp,  were  received  with  his  usual  urbanity  by 
the  astute  commander.1  The  gift  consisted  of 
gold-dust  to  the  value  of  one  thousand  pesos, 
clothing,  stuffs,  and  feather-work.  The  ambas- 
sadors had  been  instructed  to  discourage  the 
advance  of  the  Spaniards  towards  Mexico,  on 
the  ground  that  the  roads  were  very  difficult 
and  dangerous,  and  the  country  too  sterile  to 
furnish  them  provisions.  They  inquired  what 
annual  tribute  in  gold,  slaves,  and  other  pro- 
ducts of  the  country  the  King  of  Spain  would 
require  of  Montezuma,  who  professed  himself 
ready  to  acknowledge  the  suzerainty  of  that 
monarch  on  condition  that  Cortes  renounced 
his  intention  of  visiting  the  capital.  Cortes 
received  the  embassy,  accepted  the  gifts,  but 
made  no  definite  answer  to  Montezuma's  pro- 
position. He  invited  the  envoys  to  remain  with 
him  and  two  of  them  returned  to  Mexico  to 
make  their  report,  while  the  others  continued 
in  the  Spanish  camp.    The  same  day  in  which 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  209 ;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap. 
Ixxii.;  Gomara,  cap.  xlix.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xxxv. 


i44  Fernando  Cortes 


the  Mexican  envoys  arrived,  Xicotencatl  made 
a  desperate,  but  vain,  attack  on  the  Spaniards; 
that  his  hereditary  foes,  the  Mexicans,  were 
witnesses  of  his  defeat  probably  caused  him 
greater  mortification  than  did  his  losses.  Re- 
sistance was  at  an  end,  and  the  next  day  an 
embassy  from  the  republic  solicited  peace. 
General  Xicotencatl  came  fully  armed  and  es- 
corted by  fifty  nobles  robed  in  his  colours,  red 
and  white.  Cortes,  who  could  not  but  admire 
the  splendid  courage  of  his  intrepid  opponent, 
received  him  with  every  mark  of  respect,  con- 
ducting him  to  his  own  tent  and  seating  him 
opposite  to  himself,  while  all  the  other  parti- 
cipants in  the  conference  remained  standing. 
The  offering  brought  by  Xicotencatl  was  but  a 
small  one  and,  in  presenting  it,  he  said  that 
the  Tlascalans  were  not  rich  and  that  he  made 
the  offering  merely  as  a  token  of  their  desire 
for  peace.  Their  independence  was  their  only 
possession,  and  it  was  one  they  had  ever  de- 
fended, for,  despite  his  great  power,  Montezuma 
had  never  brought  them  under  his  yoke.  Xico- 
tencatl was  evidently  a  stranger  to  the  Mexican 
view  of  Tlascalan  independence  and  little  sus- 
pected that  Montezuma  would  later  explain  to 
the  Spaniards  that  the  republic  continued  to 
exist  merely  because  it  was  a  convenient  ground 
for  the  military  training  of  the  Aztec  youths, 
while  the  inhabitants  were  a  perpetual  preserve, 
supplying  victims  for  the  Mexican  altars. 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  145 


To  the  general's  efforts  to  excuse  and  explain 
the  hostility  of  the  Tlascalans,  Cortes  replied 
that  he  had  come  to  their  country  trusting  to 
the  assurance  of  their  friends,  the  Totonacs, 
that  he  would  be  welcomed,  and  that  after  they 
had  received  his  messages  of  good-will  they  had 
treacherously  attacked  him  and  brought  upon 
themselves  the  severe  defeats  and  losses  of  the 
past  days,  for  which  he  was  heartily  sorry.  It 
was  agreed  that  bygones  should  be  forgotten, 
though  Cortes  made  it  plain  that  he  only  ac- 
cepted the  submission  of  the  republic  from  an 
excess  of  condescension  and  magnanimity  see- 
ing that,  in  fact,  their  treachery  really  merited 
the  destruction  of  their  city  and  nation.  The 
invitation  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  city  was 
not  accepted  and  Xicotencatl  withdrew,  carry- 
ing the  blue  and  green  glass  beads  that  Cortes 
sent  to  the  regents  in  return  for  their  gift. 

The  conclusion  of  a  peace,  which  meant  an 
alliance,  perturbed  the  Mexican  ambassadors 
not  a  little,  and  hardly  had  Xicotencatl  left  the 
camp  than  they  sought  to  rouse  suspicions  of 
his  sincerity,  declaring  that  the  Tlascalans  were 
deceiving  Cortes  with  the  purpose  of  enticing 
him  into  some  situation  favourable  for  revenging 
themselves  for  their  recent  defeat.  The  Tlas- 
calan  opinion  of  the  Aztecs  was  that  they  were 
liars  and  deceivers,  who  had  subjugated  their 
neighbours  by  fraud  and  ruled  them  by  force; 
they  cautioned  Cortes  to  be  chary  of  placing 
10 


146  Fernando  Cortes 


confidence  in  anything  they  said.  Reporting  the 
situation  at  this  time  in  his  second  letter  to 
Charles  V.,  Cortes  wrote: 

I  was  not  a  little  pleased  to  see  this  discord 
and  want  of  conformity  between  the  two  parties, 
because  it  appeared  to  me  to  strengthen  my  design 
and  that  later  I  would  find  means  to  subjugate 
them.  That  common  saying  Be  monte,1  etc.,  might 
be  repeated  and  I  was  even  reminded  of  a  scrip- 
tural authority  which  says,  Omne  regnum  in  seip- 
sum  divisum,  desolabitur ;  so  I  treated  with  the  one 
and  the  other  and  I  privately  thanked  both  for  the 
advice  they  gave  me,  giving  to  each  the  credit  for 
more  friendship  than  to  the  other.2 

News  of  the  treaty  of  peace  was  received  with 
great  rejoicing  in  the  city,  and  was  published 
throughout  the  republic.  Tlascala  was  as  jubi- 
lant as  though  victory,  and  not  defeat,  had 
perched  on  her  standards.  Provisions  poured 
into  the  Spanish  camp  and  the  population 
flocked  thither  to  see  the  strangers,  with  whom 
they  mingled  on  terms  of  perfect  confidence  and 
amity.  The  continued  presence  of  the  Mexican 
ambassadors  disquieted  the  Tlascalan  rulers 
and  they  repeated  with  insistence  their  invita- 

1  De  monte  malo  si  quiera  un  palo.  Explained  in 
Stevens's  Spanish-English  dictionary:  "Of  an  ill  wood 
take,  tho'  it  be  but  one  stick,  that  is,  Get  what  you  can 
tho'  never  so  little  from  an  ill  man  or  a  miser." 

2  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  210;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap. 
lxxiii. 


PORTRAIT  OF  CORTES 

FROM  A  PICTURE  IN  THE  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY'S  GALLERY 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  147 

tion  to  Cortes  to  come  inside  the  city,  where 
they  might  provide  for  him,  and  might  enter- 
tain him  more  becomingly.  Cortes,  however, 
still  delayed.  He  was  waiting  for  another  em- 
bassy from  Montezuma  that  was  due  in  six  days' 
time  and  had  also,  meanwhile,  written  to  Es- 
calante  at  Vera  Cruz,  reporting  his  successes, 
and  asking  him  to  send  supplies  of  wine  and  hosts 
for  the  celebration  of  mass. 

The  expected  envoys  arrived  within  the  es- 
tablished time  from  Mexico,  bringing  three 
thousand  dollars  in  gold,  besides  ornaments  and 
the  usual  feather-work  and  cotton  stuffs.  This 
was  intended  as  a  God-speed  to  the  Spaniards, 
whom  Montezuma  still  urged  to  return  whence 
they  came,  adding  a  warning  that  they  should 
on  no  account  trust  the  perfidious  Tlascalans 
nor  go  into  their  city. 

The  Tlascalans,  having  fought  so  obstinately 
to  keep  Cortes  out  of  their  town,  were  now, 
equally  determined  that  he  should  come  into  it, 
and  the  humorous  element  in  his  situation  was 
doubtless  not  lost  on  Don  Fernando,  who  found 
himself  so  assiduously  courted  by  the  rival 
powers — the  empire  and  the  republic.  The  re- 
turn of  the  Mexican  ambassadors  brought  things 
to  a  climax  and  as  soon  as  their  arrival  was 
known  in  Tlascala,  the  four  chief  rulers  left  the 
city  attended  by  a  great  concourse  of  nobles 
and  marched  in  their  greatest  pomp  to  the 
quarters  of  Cortes.    After  the  salaams  and  in- 


148  Fernando  Cortes 


censing  prescribed  by  their  etiquette,  the  aged 
Xicotencatl  spoke  to  Cortes  in  a  tone  of  affec- 
tionate reproach,  frequently  repeating  his  name, 
Malintzin,  Malintzin,  and  begging  him  to  no 
longer  deny  them  the  pleasure  of  receiving  him 
in  their  city.  The  venerable  chieftain  protested 
against  the  insidious  arts  of  the  Mexicans  to 
poison  his  mind  against  them,  and  to  prevent 
the  Spaniards  and  the  Tlascalans  from  becoming 
friends.  To  such  an  appeal  there  was  but  one 
reply. 

The  following  morning,  Friday  the  twenty- 
third  of  September,  mass  was  first  celebrated 
by  the  chaplain  Juan  Diaz,  after  which  the 
Spaniards  broke  the  camp  at  Yzompachtzinco, 
to  which  place  they  gave  the  name  of  Torre  de 
la  Victoria,  and,  marching  with  every  precau- 
tion against  a  possible  surprise,  they  made  their 
triumphal  entry  into  Tlascala,  accompanied  by 
a  vast  concourse  of  people  collected  from  all 
the  country  roundabout,  and  amidst  the  ac- 
clamations of  the  populace.  At  different  places 
during  the  march,  military  and  civil  dignitaries 
met  the  procession  and  swelled  the  commander's 
escort.  The  streets  were  thronged  with  people, 
eager  to  behold  the  teules,  and  from  crowded 
roofs,  garlands  of  flowers  were  rained  down 
upon  them.  The  population  was  in  gala  attire, 
and  the  four  regents  accompanied  by  nobles  of 
each  of  the  four  states  and  by  the  priests,  all 
in  their  robes  of  state,  advanced  to  greet  Cortes, 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  149 


salaaming  to  the  earth  and  sending  up  clouds 
of  incense  in  token  of  their  homage  and  sub- 
mission. The  palace  of  Xicotencatl  was  pre- 
pared for  the  Spanish  commander  and,  as  the 
Mexican  ambassadors  had  come  on  his  guarantee 
that  they  would  be  respected,  they  were  lodged 
there  with  him.  The  Spanish  troops  were 
quartered  in  the  extensive  courts  and  buildings 
of  the  same  palace,  while  the  Indian  allies  were 
lodged  in  the  dependencies  of  the  great  temple.1 
Cortes  did  not  relax  his  customary  discipline 
because  of  these  enthusiastic  demonstrations. 
He  gave  strict  orders  that  no  one  was  to  take 
anything  that  was  not  offered  to  him,  nor  was 
any  one  to  move  one  step  outside  the  quarters 
without  permission.  The  artillery  was  placed 
and  the  guard  mounted,  exactly  as  though  the 
place  were  besieged.  The  men  protested  and 
demanded  more  liberty;  likewise  the  Tlascalans 
were  hurt  at  what  seemed  to  them  a  want  of 
confidence  in  their  friendship,  but  Cortes  an- 
swered them  that  such  were  the  rules  and  cus- 
toms of  his  troops,  which  were  never  relaxed  in 
war  or  peace.  This  explanation  was  not  only 
sufficient  to  allay  criticism,  but  so  impressed 
General  Xicotencatl  that  he  proposed  its  adop- 
tion in  the  army  under  his  command.2 

1  Ixtlilxochitl,  Historia  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxxiii. ;  Bernal 
Diaz,  cap.  lxxiv. 

2  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  liv.,  lv.;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxxv.; 
Sahagun,  Historia  de  Nueva  Espana,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  xi. 


iS°  Fernando  Cortes 


This  town  [wrote  Cortes  in  his  second  letter 
to  Charles  V.]  is  so  large  and  admirable  that, 
although  much  of  what  I  might  say  I  shall  omit, 
the  little  which  I  shall  say  is  almost  incredible; 
for  it  is  much  larger  than  Granada,  and  very  much 
stronger,  having  very  good  buildings,  and  it  con- 
tains a  great  many  more  people  than  Granada  did 
when  it  was  taken,  and  is  much  better  supplied 
with  provisions,  such  as  bread,  birds,  game,  and 
river-fish  and  other  good  vegetables  and  edibles. 
There  is  a  market  in  this  city,  in  which  every  day 
above  thirty  thousand  souls  sell  and  buy,  without 
counting  many  other  small  markets  in  different 
parts  of  the  city.  Everything  is  to  be  found  in 
this  market  in  which  they  trade  and  could  need, 
not  only  provisions,  but  also  clothing  and  shoes. 
There  are  jewelry  shops  for  gold  and  silver  and 
stones  and  other  valuables  of  feather-work,  as  well 
arranged  as  can  be  found  in  any  of  the  squares  or 
market-places  of  the  world;  there  is  also  as  good 
earthenware  and  crockery  as  the  best  in  Spain. 
They  also  sell  wood  and  coal,  and  both  edible  and 
medicinal  herbs.  There  are  houses  like  barbers' 
shops,  where  they  wash  their  heads  and  shave  them- 
selves; there  are  also  baths:  finally  there  prevail 
good  order  and  politeness,  for  they  are  a  people 
full  of  intelligence  and  understanding,  and  such 
that  the  best  in  Africa  does  not  equal  them.  This 
province  contains  many  extensive  and  beautiful 
valleys,  well  tilled  and  sown,  and  none  are  left 
uncultivated.  The  province  is  ninety  leagues  in 
circumference,  and,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
judge  about  the  form  of  government,  it  is  almost 
like  that  of  Venice,  Genoa,  or  Pisa,  because  there 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  151 


is  no  one  supreme  ruler.  There  are  many  lords, 
all  living  in  this  city,  and  the  people,  who  are 
tillers  of  the  soil,  are  their  vassals,  though  each  one 
has  his  lands  to  himself,  some  more  than  others. 
In  undertaking  wars,  they  all  gather  together  and, 
thus  assembled,  they  decide  and  plan  them.  It  is 
believed  that  they  must  have  some  system  of  jus- 
tice for  punishing  criminals,  because  one  of  the 
natives  of  this  province  stole  some  gold  from  a 
Spaniard  and  I  told  this  to  that  Magiscatzin,1  the 
greatest  lord  amongst  them.  After  making  their 
investigation  they  pursued  him  to  a  city  which  is 
near  there,  called  Churutecal,2  whence  they  brought 
him  prisoner  and  delivered  him  to  me,  with  the 
gold,  telling  me  that  I  might  chastise  him.  I 
thanked  them  for  the  diligence  they  took  in  this, 
but  told  them  that,  inasmuch  as  I  was  in  their 
country,  they  might  chastise  him  according  to  their 
custom,  and  that  I  did  not  wish  to  meddle  with 
the  punishment  of  their  people  while  I  was  in  their 
country.  They  thanked  me  for  this  and  took  him 
with  a  public  crier,  who  proclaimed  his  offence, 
leading  him  through  the  great  market-place  where 
they  put  him  at  the  foot  of  a  sort  of  theatre  and, 
with  a  loud  voice,  again  published  his  offence.  And 
all  having  seen  him,  they  beat  him  on  the  head  with 
sticks  until  they  killed  him.  We  have  seen  many 
others  in  the  prisons,  whom,  it  is  said,  were  con- 
fined there  for  thefts  and  other  offences  they  had 
committed.  According  to  the  visitation  that  I 
ordered  to  be  made,  this  province  has  five  hundred 
thousand  householders,  besides  those  of  another 

1  Maxixcatzin.  2  Meaning  Cholula. 


i52  Fernando  Cortes 


small  province  called  Guazincango,  which  joins  it, 
whose  people  live  as  these  do,  without  a  rightful 
sovereign^  and  are  no  less  vassals  of  Your  Highness 
than  the  Tlascalans. 

The  day  after  the  solemn  entry  into  the  city, 
many  of  the  chiefs  and  nobles  assisted  at  mass, 
which  wras  said  by  the  chaplain,  Juan  Diaz, 
Gifts  were  then  offered  to  Cortes  which,  though 
modest  enough  compared  with  the  rich  presents 
sent  by  Montezuma,  were  graciously  accepted 
for  the  significance  attaching  to  them.  Three 
hundred  young  girls  were  next  presented, 
amongst  wiiom  was  a  daughter  of  Xicotencatl 
whom  he  destined  as  a  wife  for  Cortes,  and  nu- 
merous other  daughters  of  nobles  for  the  officers 
of  his  army.  Cortes  expressed  his  recognition 
of  this  attention,  but  declined  to  receive  the 
young  women,  and  in  answer  to  the  surprise  of 
the  Tlascalans,  he  explained  that  being  Chris- 
tians, he  and  his  men  adored  and  served  the 
one  true  God,  to  whom  the  human  sacrifices  and 
cannibal  feasts  in  use  amongst  them  were  offen- 
sive and  that  they  could  not  consort  with  idola- 
ters. An  exposition  of  Christian  doctrines  then 
followed,  wThich  concluded  by  an  exhortation  to 
the  Indians  to  abandon  their  superstitions  and, 
by  so  doing,  make  it  possible  for  the  Spaniards 
to  accept  their  daughters  and  become  their  firm 
allies. 

The  Tlascalans,  however,  were  tenacious  of 
their  gods  whom  their  forefathers  had  always 


The  Spanish-Tlascalan  Alliance  153 

adored  and,  after  consulting  amongst  themselves, 
they  refused  to  abandon  them.  The  most  they 
would  concede  was  to  admit  the  Christian  God 
to  a  place  amongst  their  deities.  Flexible  on 
all  other  questions,  Cortes  never  temporised 
where  religion  was  concerned,  and  how  far  his 
zeal  would  have  carried  him,  it  is  not  difficult 
to  guess,  had  it  not  been  for  the  wiser  counsels 
of  the  Mercedarian  friar,  Bartolome  de  Olmedo, 
who  put  clearly  before  him  the  peril  and  folly 
of  attempting  to  force  conversion  on  people  who 
were  unprepared  to  receive  the  faith.  The 
friar's  reasoning  prevailed,  but  a  chapel  was 
fitted  up  in  XicotencatPs  palace  and  a  cross 
was  erected  on  the  site  of  Cortes's  reception  on 
entering  the  city,  and  a  statue  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  was  placed  in  a  teocalli  that  was  first 
cleansed  and  redecorated.  As  the  Tlascalans 
were  familiar  with  the  cross  as  the  sign  of  a 
god  called  Tonacacuahuitl,  they  were  more 
pleased  than  not  to  find  their  new  friends 
venerating  the  same  symbol.  Five  of  the  noble 
Indian  maidens  were  baptised  and  given  to  the 
Spanish  officers.  The  daughter  of  Xicotencatl, 
who  became  known  as  Dona  Luisa  after  her 
baptism,  was  accepted,  not  by  Cortes,  but  by 
Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  Prescott  states  that 
their  posterity  intermarried  with  some  of  the 
noblest  families  of  Castile.  Tlascalan  authors 
later  affirmed  that  Juan  Diaz  also  baptised  the 
four  ruling  lords  of  the  republic,  to  whom  Cortes 


i54  Fernando  Cortes 


stood  godfather;  the  conversion  of  Maxix- 
catzin  is  elsewhere  described  as  taking  place  a 
year  later  (1520)  when,  falling  ill  of  the  small- 
pox and  desiring  to  die  a  Christian,  Cortes  sent 
Pray  Bartolome  to  administer  the  sacrament. 
In  the  absence  of  any  mention  of  such  events, 
either  by  Cortes,  who  would  have  been  the  first 
to  proclaim  them,  or  by  Andres  de  Tapia  and 
Bernal  Diaz,  who  were  present,  these  alleged 
conversions  would  seem  to  belong  to  the  stock 
of  pious  fables  that  multiplied  after  the  conquest. 

While  their  daughters  were  being  baptised  by 
the  Spanish  chaplain,  the  Tlascalans  christened 
Cortes  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado  with  names  that 
will  never  die,  for  it  was  from  them  that  Cortes 
first  acquired  the  name  of  Malintzin  or  Malinche, 
signifying  Marina's  captain;  Munoz  Camargo, 
the  Tlascalan  historian,  is  authority  for  the 
assertion  that  after  his  entrance  into  the  city 
the  Tlascalans  also  addressed  Cortes  as  Chal- 
chuich.  To  Pedro  de  Alvarado  they  gave  the 
expressive  name  of  Tonatiuh,  meaning  the  sun, 
because  of  his  florid  complexion  and  golden 
blonde  hair. 


CHAPTER  VI 


THE  CHOLULAN  CONSPIRACY  AND  MASSACRE 

Events  in  Tlascala — The  Cholulans — Their  Treachery — 
The  Massacre — Justification  of  Cortes — Description  of 
Cholula — Popocatapetl 

THE  submission  of  the  warlike  Tlascalans 
contributed  to  enhance  the  fame  of  the 
Spaniards  throughout  the  nations  of  Anahuac, 
and  envoys  came  from  far  and  wide  to  view  the 
formidable  strangers,  concerning  whom,  they 
carried  back  reports  that  excited  still  more  the 
popular  interest  in  them.  During  three  weeks, 
Cortes  and  his  men  enjoyed  the  lavish  hospi- 
tality of  the  city,  in  return  for  which  he  dis- 
tributed amongst  the  nobles  the  loads  of 
presents  he  had  received  from  Montezuma  and 
the  various  caciques,  and  which  he  had  sent 
messengers  to  bring  up  from  Cempoalla.  These 
gifts  consisted  of  the  feather-work,  so  highly 
prized  by  the  Indians,  but  which  was  of  no  value 
or  interest  to  the  Spaniards  after  their  first 
curiosity  was  satisfied,  and  of  the  beautiful 
cotton-stuffs  to  which  they  were  equally  indif- 
ferent, but  which  to  the  Tlascalans,  were  the 
rarest  of  luxuries,  since  their  country  produced 
no  cotton. 

Life  was  not  all  festal,  however,  at  least  not 
155 


156  Fernando  Cortes 


for  Cortes,  who  profited  by  his  daily  companion- 
ship with  the  Tlascalan  rulers  and  nobles  to 
inform  himself  minutely  concerning  the  Aztec 
capital,  its  fortifications,  the  number  of  its 
population  and  the  military  resources  of  its 
ruler.  He  heard  all  that  his  hosts  were  able  to 
tell  him,  amongst  other  things,  the  old  prophecy 
foretelling  the  arrival  of  the  bearded  white  men 
from  the  East  who  would  one  day  subdue  and 
rule  the  land,  and  with  whom  public  opinion 
identified  the  Spaniards.  He  answered  them 
that  he  and  his  men  did,  in  fact,  come  from  the 
east  and  that  their  king  had  sent  them  to  be 
their  brothers ;  "  and  may  it  please  God  to  grant 
us  the  grace,  that  by  means  of  us,  they  [the 
Indians]  may  be  redeemed "  1  he  piously  con- 
cludes. 

Amongst  others  who,  from  hatred  of  Mon- 
tezuma, offered  allegiance  to  the  Spaniards, 
there  came  another  embassy  from  Prince  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  inviting  Cortes  to  pass  by  Calpulalpan, 
where  he  would  join  him  with  all  his  forces 
and  march  against  the  Aztec  capital.  The  en- 
voys were  sent  back  to  their  ambitious  master, 
bearing  a  politic  answer  to  his  proposal. 

Mexican  ambassadors  came  and  went  between 
the  capital  and  Tlascala.  These  harassed  digni- 
taries had  indeed  a  difficult  task,  for  their  in- 
structions varied  according  as  Montezuma's 
humour  changed.     Their  sovereign's  instruc- 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxxviii. 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  157 

tions  to  them  were  to  turn  the  strangers  back, 
but  without  offending  them,  lest,  being  gods, 
perchance  their  wrath  might  destroy  the  empire. 

The  victory  over  the  Tlascalans  had  estab- 
lished once  for  all  the  imposing  military  pres- 
tige of  the  Spaniards,  and  Montezuma,  despairing 
of  staving  off  their  impending  visit,  resolved  to 
admit  them  to  his  capital  with  what  grace  he 
could  muster.  To  this  end  an  embassy  was  sent 
to  Tlascala  to  formally  invite  Cortes  to  visit 
the  emperor  in  Mexico,  advising  him  to  march 
by  way  of  the  city  of  Cholula  1  where  orders  for 
his  reception  had  been  given.  The  Tlascalans 
strongly  opposed  this  plan,  warning  Cortes  that 
Cholula  would  prove  a  trap,  prepared  for  his 
destruction.  They  described  the  Cholulans  as 
cowards  in  the  field,  but  crafty  and  dangerous 

1  Cholula  lay  six  leagues  south  of  Tlascala  and  twenty 
leagues  distant  from  the  city  of  Mexico;  it  was  the  sacred 
city  of  Anahuac,  the  Jerusalem  or  Mecca  of  the  nations 
where  stood  (and  stands)  the  greatest  pyramid  in  Mexico, 
of  whose  construction  there  is  no  authentic  record.  The 
form  of  government  there  was  theocratic,  and  the  priests 
chose  a  captain-general  to  command  the  army  while  the 
civil  affairs  were  administered  by  a  council  composed  of 
six  nobles. 

The  Cholula  pyramid,  now  so  covered  with  earth,  and 
overgrown  with  shrubs  and  trees,  that  its  artificial  char- 
acter and  architectural  lines  are  no  longer  discernible, 
measures  at  the  length  of  its  base  1423  feet,  or  twice  the 
length  of  Cheops;  the  square  of  the  base  covers  about 
twenty-four  acres,  and  the  flat  area  on  the  summit,  a 
little  more  than  one  acre.  The  chief  deity  worshipped 
at  Cholula  was  the  mysterious  Quetzalcoatl.  See  Saha- 
gun,  Historia  de  Nueva  Espana,  lib.  i.,  cap.  iii. 


158  Fernando  Cortes 


people,  obedient  in  all  things  to  Montezuma's 
will.  The  most  telling  argument  they  used, 
however,  was  their  reminder  that,  while  peo- 
ple had  come  from  great  distances  to  salute  him 
and  pay  him  homage,  nobody  had  appeared  from 
Cholula,  though  the  city  was  but  six  leagues 
distant.1 

In  response  to  a  summons  Cortes  sent  to 
Cholula,  there  arrived  an  embassy,  which  the 
Tlascalans  promptly  pointed  out  was  composed 
of  persons  of  very  inferior  rank,  whose  very 
appearance  in  the  character  of  ambassadors  was 
a  mockery.  These  people  were  sent  back,  bear- 
ing a  peremptory  order  from  Cortes  to  the  chiefs 
to  present  themselves  and  make  their  submission 
without  delay,  otherwise  he  would  consider  and 
treat  them  as  rebels  against  the  King  of  Spain's 
authority. 

Cortes  acted  consistently  on  his  unfaltering 
conviction  that  he  was  an  instrument  of  divine 
justice,  and  he  determined  that  others  should  so 
regard  him.  He  started  from  the  dogmatic  as- 
sumption that  the  new  world  belonged  to  Spain 
by  right  of  Pope  Alexander's  bull  of  donation, 
that  its  inhabitants  were,  therefore,  just  as  much 
the  lawful  subjects  of  the  Crown  as  were  the 
natives  of  Castile  or  Granada,  and  that  to  refuse 
obedience  was  rebellion.  The  native  chiefs,  in 
resisting  his  pretentions  and  defending  their 
countries  became,  according  to  his  reasoning, 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  ii.,  pp.  211-212, 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  159 

instigators  of  revolt  and  must  be  dealt  with  as 
such.  Most  of  all,  the  people  were  practisers 
of  idolatry,  in  peril  of  eternal  damnation,  whom 
it  was  a  chief  part  of  his  mission  to  rescue 
and  bring  into  the  knowledge  of  the  Faith.  He 
held  himself  to  be  merciful,  in  that  he  invariably 
invited  their  obedience  by  explaining  what  a 
privilege  it  was  to  be  ruled  by  such  a  mighty 
sovereign  as  the  Emperor,  and  he  sought  to  ac- 
complish their  conversion  by  expounding  the 
doctrines  of  the  Christian  religion.  Once  this 
choice  was  put  plainly  before  them  and  they 
had  refused  to  accept  the  dual  blessings  of 
vassalage  and  conversion,  they  became,  in  his 
eyes,  contumacious  rebels  and  conscious  here- 
tics. He  had  the  Spanish  sixteenth-century 
standards  as  to  how  all  such  were  to  be  treated. 

In  dealing  with  the  Cholulans,  he  followed 
the  usual  solemn  formality  of  causing  a  letter 
to  be  drawn  up  by  a  notary;  that  the  Cholulan 
priests  to  whom  it  was  addressed  could  not  un- 
derstand a  word  of  it,  did  not  detract  from  the 
validity  of  the  proceeding  in  his  estimation. 
The  excuse  for  their  tardy  appearance,  offered 
by  the  Cholulan  chiefs  who  came  the  next  day, 
was,  that  they  had  not  ventured  to  trust  them- 
selves in  the  power  of  the  Tlascalans  who  were 
their  enemies;  they  were  persuaded  that  the 
latter  had  spoken  ill  of  them,  but  they  begged 
Cortes  not  to  listen  to  such  calumnies  but  to 
come  to  Cholula,  where  he  might  judge  the 


160  Fernando  Cortes 


sincerity  of  their  friendship  from  the  welcome 
he  would  there  receive.1 

Despite  the  continued  opposition  of  his  new 
allies,  Cortes  decided  to  accept  this  invitation 
and  he  fixed  the  date  of  his  arrival.  Accom- 
panied by  a  force  of  one  hundred  thousand  Tlas- 
calan  warriors,  he  marched,  on  the  thirteenth 
of  October,  to  within  two  leagues  of  Oholula, 
where  he  pitched  his  camp  and,  to  avoid  possible 
troubles  from  the  presence  of  such  a  number  of 
their  enemies  in  the  Cholulan  capital,  he  dis- 
missed the  greater  part  of  the  Tlascalans. 
Some  five  or  six  thousand,  however,  still  re- 
mained with  him,  despite  his  protests  that  their 
presence  was  unnecessary.2 

The  following  day,  as  many  as  ten  or  twelve 
thousand  persons  came  out  from  the  city,  bear- 
ing presents  of  flowers,  fruits,  bread,  and  birds. 
The  Cholulan  chiefs  represented  to  Cortes  that 
the  entrance  of  such  a  numerous  body  of  armed 
Tlascalans  into  the  city  would  certainly  pro- 
voke disorders  and,  as  the  commander  shared 
this  apprehension,  he  ordered  his  allies  to 
remain  in  the  camp  outside  the  city  walls. 

Upon  entering  the  city  the  next  day,  the  Span- 
iards were  struck  with  the  marks  of  a  civilisation 
superior  to  that  of  Tlascala.  The  costumes  of 
the  people  were  richer,  their  manners  more 
polished  and  ceremonious  and,  as  the  procession 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  213. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  214. 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  161 


moved  forward  amidst  the  assembled  multitude 
of  citizens,  escorted  by  the  principal  nobles  and 
priests  bearing  smoking  censers,  garlands  of 
flowers  were  thrown  down  upon  them  from  the 
crowded  housetops.  They  were  assigned  spa- 
cious quarters  in  the  dependencies  of  one  of 
the  great  temples  and  a  plentiful  repast  was 
immediately  offered  them.  Forewarned  by  the 
Tlascalans,  Cortes  was  not  blinded  by  these  at- 
tentions ;  his  quick  eye  noted  that  the  usual 
high-road  was  closed  and  another  had  been 
opened,  while  some  of  the  city's  streets  were 
barricaded  and  on  the  flat  roofs  of  the  houses? 
stones  had  been  collected.  Some  agents  of  Mon- 
tezuma's whom  he  knew  by  sight,  were  also  seen 
in  conversation  with  the  chief  member  of  the 
Aztec  embassy  which  had  accompanied  the  Span- 
iards from  Tlascala.  This  ambassador  suddenly 
disappeared  without  giving  any  previous  notice 
of  his  intention,  and  after  his  departure  the 
polite  attentions  of  the  Cholulans  seemed  to 
diminish,  while  the  provisions  became  notice- 
ably insufficient.  The  visits  of  the  chief  priests 
and  nobles  became  fewer  and  finally  ceased 
altogether,  while  the  Aztec  envoys  w7ho  still  re- 
mained, changed  their  tone  and  sought  once 
more  to  dissuade  Cortes  from  going  on  to  Mex- 
ico, saying  one  moment  that  the  road  was  im- 
passable, and  at  another  that  provisions  were 
so  scarce  that  the  Emperor  could  not  properly 
entertain  him.  The  atmosphere  became  charged 
ii 


162  Fernando  Cortes 


with  suspicion,  some  of  the  Cempoallan  allies 
reported  that  they  had  discovered  several  pits 
dug  in  the  streets,  in  which  sharp  pointed  stakes 
were  driven  and  carefully  covered  over,  in  such 
wise  as  to  be  hardly  perceptible. 

It  was  remembered  the  Tlascalans  had  warned 
the  Spaniards,  that  such  pitfalls  were  prepared 
for  the  horses.  Simultaneously,  eight  Tlas- 
calans who  had  come  into  the  city  as  camp 
servants,  reported  that  two  men  and  five 
children  had  that  morning  been  sacrificed  to 
the  god  of  war  and  that  the  Cholulans  were 
sending  their  women  and  children  out  of  the 
city.  All  doubts  as  to  the  meaning  of  these 
disquieting  reports  were  dispelled  by  Marina, 
who  had  been  urged  by  a  Cholulan  woman  with 
whom  she  had  become  intimate,  to  leave  the 
white  men  and  conceal  herself  in  her  house,  as 
a  general  massacre  of  the  strangers  had  been 
ordered  and  her  only  salvation  lay  in  adopting 
this  plan.  Marina  feigned  to  assent,  and  thus 
acquired  more  particulars,  all  of  which  she 
faithfully  reported  to  Geronimo  de  Aguilar.1 
Marina  next  induced  her  informant  and  two 
priests  to  visit  the  Spanish  quarters,  where  they 
were  persuaded  to  confirm  the  truth  of  her 
story.  Little  by  little  the  details  of  the  plot 
were  disclosed.    Montezuma,  who  had  at  first 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  215;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap. 
lxxxiii.;  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  lix.;  Herrera,  dec.  xi.,  lib. 
vii.,  cap.  i.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xxxix. 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  163 

directed  the  Cholulans  to  receive  the  Spaniards 
hospitably,  had  since  been  informed  by  certain 
oracles  that  Oholula  was  destined  to  be  the 
grave  of  the  strangers;  he  consequently  revoked 
his  previous  instructions,  ordered  the  citizens  to 
prepare  ambuscades  and  pitfalls  in  their  streets 
and  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  take  the 
Spaniards  at  a  disadvantage.  Twenty  thousand 
Mexican  troops,  which  had  been  stationed  in  a 
place  of  concealment  near  by,  would  come  to 
their  assistance  at  the  critical  moment  and 
annihilate  the  obnoxious  strangers. 

Even  the  resourceful  Cortes  was  perplexed  at 
the  dilemma  in  which  he  found  himself  and,  be- 
fore he  formed  a  decision,  he  summoned  his 
captains  together  and  put  the  situation  clearly 
before  them.  In  such  conferences  the  veritable 
character  of  each  participant  is  disclosed.  The 
timid  counsel  retreat,  the  prudent  devise  half 
measures,  seeking  to  safeguard  their  honour 
and  at  the  same  time  to  save  their  skins.  Cor- 
tes, who  was  as  faithful  to  his  purpose  as  is 
the  needle  to  the  pole,  declared  there  was  but 
one  hope  for  them;  retreat  in  any  form  would 
be  disastrous,  if  not  indeed  impossible,  and  their 
only  course  was  to  strike  quickly  and  strike 
hard,  before  they  were  struck.  His  plan  was 
carefully  laid  and  the  first  step  was  to  urgently 
invite  the  principal  caciques  to  come  to  his 
quarters,  as  he  had  a  communication  of  import- 
ance to  make  to  them.    When  they  appeared,  he 


164  Fernando  Cortes 


quietly  explained  that,  as  the  presence  of  his 
men  seemed  no  longer  desired  by  the  Cholulans, 
he  had  decided  to  quit  the  city  the  following 
day  and  therefore  begged  them  to  supply  him 
with  two  thousand  men  to  transport  his  artillery 
and  baggage.  His  request  was  granted  and  the 
chiefs  withdrew.  The  second  step  was  to  com- 
municate his  knowledge  of  the  plot  to  the  Aztec 
envoys,  telling  them  that  this  murderous  design 
was  attributed  by  the  Cholulans  to  Montezuma. 
The  envoys  protested  that  they  were  ignorant 
of  the  conspiracy  and  were  convinced  that  their 
imperial  master  was  equally  so.  Cortes  was 
prepared  for  this  answer  which  he  feigned  to 
believe,  declaring  that  he  held  it  to  be  incredible 
that  such  a  great  prince  as  Montezuma  could 
stoop  to  such  base  treachery.  His  decision  was 
taken,  and  he  declared  to  the  envoys  that  he 
would  chastise  the  Cholulans  in  such  wise  as 
should  vindicate  Montezuma  as  well  as  himself. 
The  envoys  were  then  placed  under  strict  guard 
and  prevented  from  communicating  with  the 
Cholulans.  The  Tlascalan  allies  outside  the 
walls  were  notified  that  they  should  hold  them- 
selves in  readiness  on  the  following  morning, 
and  on  hearing  a  musket  shot  they  should  make 
a  general  assault  on  the  city. 

At  dawn  the  next  day  Cortes  mounted  his 
horse  and,  having  placed  his  heavy  guns  so  as 
to  command  the  approaches  to  the  temple  court 
or  square  where  his  men  were  encamped  and  to 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  165 


which  there  were  but  three  entrances,  he  awaited 
the  arrival  of  the  caciques  and  the  promised 
bearers.  No  sooner  had  these  latter  been  col- 
lected inside  the  enclosure,  the  entrances  to 
which  were  guarded  by  soldiers,  than  Cortes 
conducted  the  nobles  into  a  smaller  court-yard 
and  there  questioned  them  one  by  one  concerning 
the  conspiracy,  telling  them  that  further  con- 
cealment was  useless  as  he  was  fully  informed 
of  their  plans.  The  chiefs  admitted  their  guilt, 
but  excused  their  action  by  saying  that  they 
were  bound  to  obey  Montezuma,  by  wrhose  orders 
the  plot  had  been  formed.  Cortes  feigned  indig- 
nation on  hearing  this,  declaring  that  they  de- 
famed the  Emperor  whom  he  held  to  be  his 
friend  but  that  in  any  case  their  plea  was  in- 
admissible, as  he  was  in  their  city  in  response 
to  their  urgent  invitation  and  hence  protected 
by  the  laws  of  hospitality. 

The  fatal  musket  shot  was  fired.  The  de- 
fenceless men  herded  in  the  enclosure  were  mas- 
sacred, while  the  Tlascalan  allies  from  without 
rushed  to  attack  the  city,  whose  streets  quickly 
became  encumbered  with  the  slain.  Cortes  him- 
self states  that  within  the  space  of  two  hours 
more  than  three  thousand  persons  were  killed, 
while  other  authorities  place  the  number  much 
higher.1    This  massacre  is  one  of  the  bloodiest 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  216;  Gomara,  cap.  lx.; 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxxiv.;  Herrera,  dec. 
ii.,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  ii. 


166  Fernando  Cortes 


in  Mexican  history  and  concerning  it  the  great- 
est controversy  has  raged.  Las  Casas  leads  in 
judging  Cortes  most  severely  and  says  that  it 
was  a  part  of  his  policy,  as  indeed  it  was  of 
the  Spaniards  everywhere,  to  strike  terror  into 
the  natives  by  a  wholesale  slaughter.  Bernal 
Diaz  defends  Cortes  and  says  his  course  was 
justified  later,  when,  in  the  investigation  made 
by  the  friars  who  came  for  that  purpose  to 
Cholula,  it  was  learned  from  the  chiefs  and 
other  Cholulans  that  there  had  really  been  a 
concerted  plot  to  destroy  the  Spaniards  in  their 
city. 

A  contrary  theory  is,  that  the  Tlascalans 
invented  the  fiction  of  a  plot  expressly  to  pro- 
voke a  massacre  of  their  Cholulan  enemies.  If 
this  be  true,  Marina  was  the  only  instrument 
for  accomplishing  their  purpose.  If  Marina  in- 
vented the  alleged  disclosures  of  her  female 
friend,  if  she  used  her  absolute  power  as  inter- 
preter to  put  into  the  mouths  of  the  priests  and 
caciques  confessions  of  guilt  that  they  never 
uttered,  the  responsibility  for  the  massacre  falls 
upon  her. 

Cortes  trusted  Marina.  Of  the  sincerity  of 
his  belief  in  the  existence  of  such  a  plot,  the 
evidence  before  us  leaves  no  room  for  reason- 
able doubt.  The  moment  was  one  of  great 
peril,  in  which  the  commander's  first  duty 
was  to  save  his  men.  The  accusation  of  Las 
Casas  may,  in  this  instance,  be  dismissed,  for 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  167 

it  was  not  the  policy  of  Cortes  to  massacre 
the  Indians  merely  to  strike  terror  into  the 
survivors.  Nowhere  had  he  provoked  hos- 
tilities or  encouraged  wanton  cruelty.  Admit- 
ting, however,  that  his  belief  in  the  existence  of 
a  conspiracy  to  destroy  his  men  was  honest  or 
even  correct,  and  granting  that  his  only  hope 
of  salvation  lay  in  forestalling  the  conspirators 
by  striking  the  first  blow,  the  excessive  severity 
of  the  measures  he  adopted  is  indefensible. 
Nothing  can  excuse  or  attenuate  the  wholesale 
massacre  of  a  defenceless  population,  and  once 
the  Spanish  commander  had  the  Mexican  en- 
voys and  a  certain  number  of  Cholulan  chiefs 
and  priests  securely  in  his  power,  he  held  suffi- 
cient hostages  for  his  own  safety.  Upon  these 
instigators  of  treachery,  his  vengeance  might 
justly  have  fallen. 

In  a  chapter  devoted  to  his  interesting  and 
instructive  reflections  on  this,  one  of  the  saddest 
and  most  regrettable  incidents  of  the  conquest, 
Prescott  traces  its  justification  back  to  the 
foundation  on  which  the  right  of  all  or  any  con- 
quest rested  at  the  time.  The  research  might, 
however,  be  logically  carried  still  further  back 
to  the  elemental  instinct  in  every  man  to  pro- 
tect his  life  at  all  costs.  It  does  not  seem  likely 
that  Cortes  sought  warrant  for  his  action  at 
Cholula,  in  papal  bulls  or  theological  opinions. 
He  and  his  men  had  been  lured  by  fair  words 
into  a  populous  city,  whose  people  were  secretly 


i68  Fernando  Cortes 


preparing  to  entrap  and  annihilate  them,  and 
their  intention  was  to  extricate  themselves  from 
the  trap  and  administer  such  chastisement  as 
would  effectually  prevent  a  repetition  of  such 
treachery.  Once  the  barrier  was  down  and  the 
Tlascalan  allies  were  loose  in  their  ancient 
enemy's  town,  no  effort,  even  had  one  been  made, 
would  have  sufficed  to  check  their  ferocity,  while 
the  not  unnatural  sentiment  of  the  resentful 
Spaniards  was  that  the  Cholulans  merited  all 
they  suffered. 

The  merciless  slaughter  was  brought  to  an 
end  by  the  petition  of  some  of  the  nobles  and 
chief  priests,  who  protested  that  they  had  taken 
no  part  in  the  plot  and  who  humbly  implored 
mercy  for  themselves  and  their  countrymen. 
The  Tlascalans,  surfeited  with  blood  and  booty 
wTere  called  off  and  sent  out.  of  the  city  to  cele- 
brate their  triumph  in  their  own  fashion.  Two 
of  the  captive  lords  who  were  released  and 
charged  to  bring  back  all  the  inhabitants  who 
had  fled,  succeeded  in  accomplishing  their  diffi- 
cult mission,  and  within  twenty  days  the  life 
of  the  city  resumed  its  normal  course.1 

Cortes  described  Cholula  in  his  second  letter 
to  Charles  V.  in  the  following  terms: 

This  city  of  Churultecal  is  situated  in  a  plain 
and  has  as  many  as  twenty  thousand  houses  in  the 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  218;  Andres  de  Tapia, 
Relation;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxxxiii.;  Gomara,  cap.  lx. 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  169 


body  of  the  city,  and  as  many  more  in  the  out- 
skirts. It  is  an  independent  state  and  has  its  recog- 
nised boundaries,  and  they  do  not  obey  any  chiefs 
but  govern  themselves  like  the  Tlascaltecas.  The 
people  are  better  clothed  in  some  ways  than  the 
Tlascaltecas,  because  their  honoured  citizens  all 
wear  albornoces  1  above  their  clothing,  though  these 
differ  from  those  of  Africa  in  having  pockets,  but 
in  the  making,  the  stuff,  and  the  borders,  they  are 
very  similar.  They  have  all  been  and  are,  since 
the  recent  occurrence,  very  faithful  vassals  to  Your 
Majesty,  and  very  obedient  in  all  that  I  required 
and  commanded  of  them  in  Your  Royal  name;  and 
I  believe  that  henceforth  they  will  remain  so.  This 
city  has  very  fertile  fields,  for  they  possess  much 
land,  of  which  the  greater  part  is  irrigated;  seen 
from  the  outside  the  city  is  more  beautiful  than  the 
cities  of  Spain,  because  it  is  very  flat,  and  con- 
tains many  towers,  for  I  certify  to  Your  Highness 
that  from  a  mosque,  I  counted  four  hundred  and 
odd  towers  in  the  city,  and  all  belonged  to  mosques.2 
It  is  the  best  adapted  city  for  Spaniards  to  live  in, 
of  any  I  have  seen  since  leaving  the  port,  as  it 
has  some  uncultivated  lands  and  water-supply  suit- 
able for  the  purpose  of  raising  cattle,  such  as  no 
other  we  have  thus  far  seen.  For,  such  is  the  mul- 
titude of  people  who  live  in  these  parts,  that  there 
is  not  a  palm  of  land  which  is  not  cultivated,  and 
even  then,  there  are  many  places  where  they  suffer 

1  Meaning  the  houmous  or  mantle  commonly  worn  by 
the  Moors. 

2  All  non-Christian  places  of  worship  except  Jewish 
synagogues  were  designated  mosques  by  the  Spaniards. 


i7°  Fernando  Cortes 


for  want  of  bread;  and  there  are  many  paupers 
who  beg  amongst  the  rich  in  the  streets  and  at 
the  market-places,  just  as  the  poor  do  in  Spain 
and  other  civilised  countries. 

Had  the  massacre  been  dictated  by  the  policy 
of  terrorising  the  natives,  as  Las  Casas  suggested, 
that  object  could  not  have  been  more  fully  at- 
tained. Montezuma  was  thrown  into  a  panic  of 
abject  fear  that  still  further  bewildered  his  judg- 
ment in  his  dealings  with  the  invaders.  He  had 
recourse  to  singular  penances,  and  gave  himself 
entirely  into  the  hands  of  priests  and  magicians. 
He  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  Cholulan  con- 
spiracy, and  his  ambassadors  continued  to  come 
and  go  between  the  capital  and  the  Spanish 
camp,  using  every  argument  to  divert  Cortes 
from  his  determination  to  see  their  imperial  mas- 
ter, but  also  making  preparations  for  his  advance 
which  they  saw  was  inevitable.  Seeing  that 
neither  protests  nor  persuasion  availed,  three  of 
Montezuma's  agents  remained  permanently  with 
the  Spaniards  to  act  as  guides  and  purveyors 
for  the  army.  The  Tlascalans  offered  a  large 
force  of  warriors,  of  which  Cortes  only  accepted 
one  thousand,  while  the  Cempoallan  chiefs  were 
seized  with  fears  of  the  Aztec  monarch's  ven- 
geance and  excused  themselves  from  appearing 
in  his  capital.  They  were  dismissed  with  a 
share  of  the  booty  and  some  acceptable  presents 
for  their  cacique,  and  quit  Cholula,  bearing  de- 
spatches for  Juan  de  Escalante  at  Vera  Cruz. 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  171 


During  the  stay  of  the  Spaniards  in  Cholula, 
the  great  volcano  of  Popocatepetl 1  was  in  active 
eruption, — a  phenomenon  that  exercised  no  small 
influence  on  the  superstitious  natives,  who  dei- 
fied the  mountain  and  its  neighbour  Ixtaccihu- 
atl;  the  crater  of  Popocatepetl  was  thought 
to  be  the  abode  of  the  tormented  spirits  of  wicked 
kings.  Cortes  chose  ten  men  under  command 
of  Diego  de  Ordaz  to  undertake  the  ascent  of 
the  volcano  and  make  a  report  to  him  on  the 
eruption,  which  continued  night  and  day,  and 
was  accompanied  by  tremendous  detonations 
and  subterranean  rumblings.  Several  Indians 
were  found  to  accompany  the  expedition  as 
guides  for  a  part  of  the  way,  though  beyond 
a  certain  point,  no  force  could  induce  them  to 
advance.  The  Spaniards  mounted  somewhat 
higher,  but  were  obliged  by  the  masses  of  snow 
underfoot  and  the  shower  of  hot  ashes  that 
rained  down  on  them  to  renounce  their  perilous 
intention  of  reaching  the  brink  of  the  crater. 
They  brought  back  snow  and  icicles  with  them 
to  regale  their  comrades  in  the  tropical  heat 
below,  and  their  feat  contributed  to  still  further 
enhance  their  reputation  as  teules,  who  knew 
no  fear.  Diego  de  Ordaz  was,  afterwards, 
granted  a  smoking  volcano  in  his  arms  to  com- 
memorate this  first  ascension  of  the  Popocatepetl. 

1  Popocatepetl  signifying  in  the  Mexican  language 
"  smoking  mountain. "  Humboldt  gives  its  height  as  5400 
metres.    Ixtaccihuatl  means  the  white  woman. 


172  Fernando  Cortes 


Ordaz  reported  to  Cortes  that  he  and  his  men  had 
obtained  an  extensive  view  of  the  valley  of 
Mexico,  with  its  lakes  and  cities,  and  had  also 
discovered  a  very  good  road  leading  thither. 

This  exploit  of  Ordaz  and  his  men  has  evoked 
the  astonishment  of  many  writers.  Had  these 
men  not  enough  hardship  and  perils,  but  they 
must  needs  go  in  search  of  more  adventures 
amidst  the  eternal  ice  and  fire  of  the  mysterious 
mountain?  Divested  of  the  somewhat  fanciful 
trappings  with  which  poetry  and  fiction  have 
draped  him,  the  Spanish  adventurer  of  the  six- 
teenth century  still  remains  a  strangely  pic- 
turesque and  dashing  creature,  whose  exploits 
command  our  interest,  even  when  his  motives 
do  not  merit  our  applause.  Many  influences 
were  necessary  to  produce  his  type.  From  his 
immediate  forebears  who  had,  after  heroic 
struggles,  freed  Spain  from  the  last  vestige  of 
Moorish  domination,  he  inherited  an  ardent 
patriotism  so  closely  bound  up  with  religion 
that  he  himself,  at  least,  was  incapable  of  sepa- 
rating the  two  sentiments.  Soldier  of  Spain 
and  soldier  of  the  Cross,  for  the  Cross  was  the 
standard  of  a  militant  Christianity  of  which 
Spain  was  the  truest  exponent,  his  religion, 
devoutly  believed  in  but  intermittently  prac- 
tised, inspired  his  ideals,  without  sufficiently 
guiding  his  conduct.  Ofttimes  brutal,  he  was 
never  vulgar,  while  as  a  lover  of  sheer  daring 
and  of  danger  for  danger's  sake,  he  has  never 


Cholulan  Conspiracy  and  Massacre  173 


been  eclipsed.  The  army  of  Cortes  contained 
its  fair  share  of  the  best  and  worst  examples  of 
this  type.  These  men,  seen  in  their  distant 
perspective,  seem  to  us  to  move  in  an  aura  of 
romance,  and  even  the  most  cut-and-dried  chroni- 
cle of  their  deeds  reads  more  like  a  troubadour's 
tale  than  the  sober  pages  of  history. 


CHAPTER  VII 


IN  THE  AZTEC  CAPITAL 


Approach  to  Mexico — On  the  Causeway — Meeting  with 
Montezuma — Montezuma's  Discourse — The  Market- 
place— Temple  of  Tlatelolco — Seizure  of  Montezuma 
— Perfidy  of  Cortes 


N  the  first  day  of  November,  the  Spanish 


force  accompanied  by  its  Indian  allies 
marched  out  of  Cholula  on  the  road  to  the  city 
of  Mexico.  There  had  been  some  discussion 
about  the  better  road  to  follow,  for,  after  a  cer- 
tain distance  from  Cholula  the  highway  divided, 
and,  while  each  of  the  branches  led  to  the  capi- 
tal, one  was  described  as  better  and  shorter 
than  the  other.  At  different  places  along  the 
line  of  march,  deputations  from  tribes  and  towns 
met  Cortes  to  present  gifts  of  gold  and  pro- 
visions, and  to  render  him  homage.  The  Tlas- 
calans  had  warned  him  against  taking  the  road 
proposed  by  the  Aztec  ambassadors,  saying  that 
it  would  surely  lead  him  into  some  ambush,  as 
Montezuma  was  determined  to  destroy  the  white 
men  before  they  reached  his  capital.  As  has 
been  said,  Cortes  never  under  any  circumstances 
relaxed  his  vigilance,  and  this  information 
merely  resulted  in  more  stringent  orders  to  his 
men  to  be  constantly  on  the  alert  against  a 
possible  surprise. 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  175 


The  first  halting  place  was  Guajocingo,1 
whose  people  were  hostile  to  the  Aztecs.  The 
chiefs  received  the  Spaniards  with  generous 
hospitality  and,  in  conversation  with  the  com- 
mander, warned  him  against  Montezuma's 
treacherous  character,  repeating  the  assurance 
of  the  Tlascalans,  that  he  would,  find  one  of 
the  roads  to  Mexico  blocked  up  with  magueys 
and  felled  trees.  They  added  that  the  obstructed 
road  was  the  one  he  ought  to  take,  though 
the  Mexicans  had  arranged  to  lead  him  by 
the  other  one,  where  their  warriors  were  wait- 
ing in  concealment  to  attack  him  if  the  chance 
offered.  On  arriving,  the  next  day,  at  the  divi- 
sion of  the  roads,  one  of  them  was  found,  as 
had  been  described,  blocked  up  with  magueys 
and  tree  trunks.  The  Mexican  ambassadors 
explained  that  although  the  open  road  was  in 
fact  somewhat  longer,  it  led  continuously 
through  Mexican  territory  to  Chalco,  whereas 
the  other  traversed  the  country  of  Guajocingo, 
where,  as  the  Spaniards  knew,  Montezuma  had 
no  jurisdiction  and  hence  could  not  provide  for 
their  entertainment.  Cortes  decided,  however, 
to  abide  by  his  original  decision  and  to  march 
by  the  shorter  road,  so  he  ordered  the  obstacles 
cleared  away  and  continued  mounting  the  lofty 
pass  between  the  two  volcanoes.    The  cold  be- 

1  Also  spelled  Huexotzinco  and  Huejocingo.  The  spell- 
ing of  Mexican  names  is  variable  amongst  the  early 
Spanish  writers. 


176  Fernando  Cortes 


came  intense,  but  before  night  came  on,  the 
army  reached  a  commodious  building  of 
stone  where  the  men  could  take  shelter, 
and  where  great  fires  were  lighted  for  their 
comfort.1 

At  this  place,  Cortes  was  met  by  a  personage 
who  was  represented  to  him  as  the  brother  of 
Montezuma,2  accompanied  by  other  dignitaries 
and  attendants,  bearing  rich  presents  and  gold 
to  the  value  of  three  thousand  dollars.  All  the 
former  unavailing  arguments  to  prevent  the 
Spaniards  from  advancing  were  again  rehearsed 
and  the  formal  offer  of  whatever  sum  Cortes 
might  fix  as  a  yearly  tribute,  was  made;  the 
amount  would  be  delivered  at  the  seacoast  or 
wherever  he  might  direct. 

Cortes  replied  that  did  it  lie  with  him  to 
abandon  his  visit  to  Mexico,  he  would  yield, 
with  pleasure,  to  the  wishes  of  Montezuma  but 
he  had  been  sent  by  his  sovereign  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  visiting  the  Emperor  in  his 
capital  that  he  might  render  a  full  report  based 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  224;  Sahagun,  lib.  xii., 
cap.  xii. 

2  This  embassy  is  somewhat  differently  described  in  the 
Mexican  version  quoted  by  Sahagun,  Torquemada,  and 
other  early  writers  who  collected  information  from  native 
sources  shortly  after  the  conquest.  These  writers  state 
that  Montezuma  chose  a  man  who  closely  resembled  him, 
and  sent  him  to  Cortes  to  represent  himself  as  the  Aztec 
emperor.  Cortes  enquired  of  his  Cempoallan  and  Tlas- 
calan  allies  if  the  man  was  really  Montezuma,  and  they 
assured  him  that  he  was  not. 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  177 


on  his  own  observations,  and  hence  he  was  not 
at  liberty  to  disregard  these  orders.  The  King 
of  Spain  had  long  since  had  news  of  the  Mex- 
ican empire  and  its  ruler,  with  whom  he  desired 
Cortes  to  establish  personal  relations  and  not 
through  any  third  party,  be  he  even  Montezuma's 
own  brother.  He  added  the  assurance  that 
great  profit  and  advantage  would  redound  to 
the  Emperor  from  his  visit  and  that  his  appre- 
hensions were  groundless.  Once  he  had  seen 
and  spoken  with  him,  he  would,  if  Montezuma 
so  desired,  immediately  withdraw  from  the  city. 
With  this  refusal,  snaviter  in  modo  sed  fortiter 
in  re,  the  embassy  departed,  after  receiving  the 
usual  gift  of  beads  and  trinkets.  Still  fearful 
of  some  ambuscade  or  treacherous  attack,  Cortes 
warned  the  Mexican  ambassadors  that  his  men 
were  prepared  day  and  night,  and  that  they 
would  do  well  to  notify  all  their  people  that 
any  one  who  approached  the  camp  after  sunset 
would  be  immediately  killed.  Fifteen  natives 
who  prowled  about,  doubtless  to  satisfy  their 
curiosity,  were  in  fact  killed  that  same  night, 
and  even  Cortes  himself,  when  making  his  usual 
rounds  to  inspect  the  guard,  just  escaped  being 
fired  on  by  a  sentry,  to  whom  he  did  not  give 
the  password  with  sufficient  promptness.1 

Resuming  their  march,  the  Spaniards  arrived 
at  Amecameca,  in  the  province  of  Chalco,  on 

1  Relacion  de  Andres  de  Tapia;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  vii., 
cap.  iv.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xli. 


178  Fernando  Cortes 


the  third  of  November.  The  lord  of  the  place 
assigned  his  guests  quarters  in  the  palace  and 
loaded  them  with  rich  presents,  amongst  which 
figured  forty  female  slaves  of  great  beauty  and 
richly  dressed.1 

The  province  of  Chalco  had  been  recently  con- 
quered by  the  Mexicans,  after  much  bloodshed, 
and  was  held  in  subjection  by  force,  hence  its 
people  were  not  loyal  subjects  to  be  counted  upon 
in  time  of  need.  They  were  the  first  to  profit 
by  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  valley 
to  throw  off  their  allegiance.  Cortes  promised 
them  relief  and  assured  them  that  he  had  come 
to  redress  their  wrongs  and  establish  justice. 
As  the  Spaniards  gradually,  but  steadily  ap- 
proached the  capital,  Montezuma  fell  into  a 
state  of  abject  despair;  his  gods  had  deserted 
him,  his  magicians  and  priests  offered  him  no 
comfort,  his  lavish  presents  to  the  insatiable 
strangers  had  failed  to  buy  them  off  and  in  the 
council  of  princes  and  nobles  he  summoned, 
there  prevailed  a  hopeless  diversity  of  opinion 
as  to  the  policy  to  adopt  towards  the  oncoming 
invaders.  As  a  forlorn  hope,  the  young  King 
of  Texcoco,  Cacamatzin,  was  sent  to  receive 
Cortes,  who  had  meanwhile  advanced  to  Ajot- 
zinco.  The  King,  carried  in  a  gorgeous  litter 
adorned  with  jewels  and  rich  plumes,  was 
escorted  by  a  numerous  suite.    Cortes,  in  de- 

1  Duran,  Hist,  de  los  Indios  de  Nueva  Espana,  cap. 
lxxiii.  .  I 

! 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  179 


scribing  his  meeting  with  the  young  monarch, 
says  that  "  They  all  fell  on  their  knees  protest- 
ing so  much  that  it  only  remained  to  say  that 
they  would  defend  the  road  by  force,  if  I  still 
insisted  on  going  on." 1  The  implacable  con- 
queror continued  his  onward  march  despite 
these  entreaties,  and  next  halted  at  the  beauti- 
ful little  lake-town  of  Cuitlahuac,  now  called 
Tlahua,  to  which  the  Spaniards  gave  the  name 
of  Venezuela, — little  Venice. 

Here  they  first  beheld  the  famous  floating 
gardens  called  chinanipas,  on  which  the  choicest 
vegetables  and  most  beautiful  flowers  were  cul- 
tivated. They  were  much  impressed  by  the 
unique  charm  of  this  town,  which  Cortes  de- 
scribed to  Charles  V.  as  the  most  beautiful  they 
had  thus  far  seen.  The  mainland  had  now  been 
left  behind  and  the  Spaniards  found  themselves 
on  one  of  the  splendid  causeways  that  gave 
access  to  the  capital.  The  last  stopping  place 
was  the  stately  city  of  Iztapalapan,  seven  miles 
distant  from  Mexico,  of  which  the  chief  glory 
was  its  botanical  and  zoological  gardens,  with 
reservoirs  full  of  all  kinds  of  fish,  such  as  no 
town  in  Europe  possessed  at  that  time.  Cortes 
describes  it  as  follows: 

This  city  of  Iztapalapan  has  some  twelve  or  fif- 
teen thousand  households  and  stands  on  the  shore  of 
a  great  salt  lake,  half  of  it  [the  city]  in  the  water 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  227. 


180  Fernando  Cortes 


and  the  other  half  on  land.  Its  chief  has  some 
new  houses  which,  though  still  unfinished,  are  as 
good  as  the  best  in  Spain;  I  say  as  large  and  well 
constructed,  not  only  in  the  stone  work  but  also  in 
the  wood  work,  and  all  arrangements  for  every  kind 
of  household  service,  all  except  the  relief  work  and 
other  rich  details  which  are  used  in  Spanish  houses 
but  are  not  found  here.  There  are  both  upper  and 
lower  rooms  and  very  refreshing  gardens,  with 
many  trees  and  sweet  scented  flowers,  bathing 
places  of  fresh  water,  well  constructed  and  having 
steps  leading  down  to  the  bottom.  He  also  has  a 
large  garden  round  his  house,  in  which  there  is  a 
terrace  with  many  beautiful  corridors  and  rooms, 
and  within  the  garden  is  a  great  pool  of  fresh  water, 
very  well  constructed,  with  sides  of  handsome 
masonry,  around  which  runs  an  open  walk  with 
well-laid  tile,  pavements,  so  broad  that  four  per- 
sons can  walk  abreast  on  it,  and  four  hundred 
paces  square,  making  in  all  sixteen  hundred  paces. 
On  the  other  side  of  this  promenade,  towards  the 
wall  of  the  garden,  it  is  all  surrounded  by  a  lattice 
work  of  canes,  behind  which  are  arbours,  planted 
with  fragrant  shrubs.  The  pool  contains  many 
fish  and  water  fowl,  such  as  ducks,  cranes,  and 
other  kinds  of  aquatic  birds,  in  such  numbers  that 
the  surface  is  covered  with  them. 

Four  thousand  castellanos  of  gold  enriched 
the  Spanish  treasure-chest,  besides  the  usual 
raiment  of  delicate  cotton  stuffs,  feather-work, 
and  some  female  slaves,  but  with  the  Aztec  capi- 
tal before  his  eyes,  the  magnificent  hospitality 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  181 

of  the  lord  of  Iztapalapan,  Cuitlahuatzin,  was 
impotent  to  detain  Cortes  in  that  city  of  delight 
for  longer  than  one  day.  More  messengers  from 
the  court  had  arrived  to  make  the  final  arrange- 
ments for  his  formal  entrance  into  Mexico  the 
following  day.  Objections  were  raised  to  the 
admission  of  the  Indian  allies,  who  all  belonged 
to  tribes  hostile  to,  or  in  rebellion  against  Mon- 
tezuma, but  Cortes  overruled  these,  saying  that 
his  Indian  friends  did  not  accompany  him  as 
warriors,  but  to  assist  in  carrying  his  baggage 
and  artillery.  Other  fictitious  obstacles  were 
likewise  disposed  of  and,  on  the  morning  of 
Tuesday  the  eighth  of  November,  the  Spanish 
force  set  out  from  Iztapalapan,  on  the  last  stage 
of  the  memorable  march  that  brought  the 
civilisation  of  the  two  worlds  face  to  face. 

The  great  causeway  that  joined  the  Aztec 
capital  to  the  mainland  was  broad  enough  for 
eight  horsemen  to  ride  abreast.  Three  of  these 
highways  gave  access  to  the  city;  that  by  which 
the  Europeans  first  entered,  forms  the  founda- 
tion of  the  present  road  known  as  Calzada  de 
Iztapalapan,  merging  into  the  street  called  El 
Eastro.1 

The  Spanish  force  had  originally  numbered 
about  four  hundred  men  when  Cortes  set  out 
from  Vera  Cruz,  but,  fifty  at  least,  had  fallen 
during  the  fighting  in  Tlascala,  thus  reducing 

1  Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  torn  ii.,  p.  lvii.;  Alaman, 
Segunda  Disertacion. 


1 82  Fernando  Cortes 


the  number  to  not  more  than  three  hundred 
and  fifty.  Six  thousand  Tlascalans,  a  few  Cem- 
poallans,  and  others  made  up  the  procession  that 
marched  amidst  the  countless  thousands  of 
Mexicans,  who  lined  the  causeway  and  even  cov- 
ered the  surface  of  the  lake  in  their  number- 
less canoes.  The  scene  on  which  the  Spaniards 
gazed  was,  beyond  question,  one  of  the  most 
wonderful  and  beautiful  ever  offered  to  man's 
contemplation.  The  panorama  of  the  great 
lakes  bordered  by  populous  towns,  the  walls  of 
wiiose  houses  were  covered  with  white  lime- 
wash  of  such  brilliancy  that  they  glittered  like 
silver  in  the  dazzling  sunlight,  spread  before 
them.  The  valley  of  Mexico  to-day,  despite  the 
changes  in  its  configuration,  the  destruction  of 
its  magnificent  forests,  and  the  shrinkage  of  its 
fair  lakes,  still  offers  the  traveller  a  spectacle 
of  surprising  beauty,  on  which  none  can  gaze 
without  feelings  of  rapturous  admiration.  What 
it  must  have  been  when  the  Spaniards  first  be- 
held it,  requires  no  great  exercise  of  the  imagi- 
nation to  realise.  Besides  the  glowing  and 
perhaps  sometimes  extravagant  accounts  of  the 
conquerors,  the  testimony  of  soberer  writers  who 
beheld  the  valley  immediately  after  the  conquest 
has  been  transmitted  to  us,  corroborating  unani- 
mously the  essential  facts  of  the  more  fervid 
descriptions.  Cortes  himself  has  told  in  the 
terse  language  of  a  soldier  the  events  of  that 
memorable  day,  and,  though  abler  writers  have 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  183 


since  built  upon  and  enriched  his  narrative  with 
the  graces  of  more  perfect  literary  style,  none 
have  composed  a  more  impressive  description  of 
his  first  meeting  with  Montezuma: 

Having  gone  half  a  league,  I  reached  another 
causeway,  leading  into  the  lake  a  distance  of  two 
leagues  to  the  great  city  of  Temistitan,1  which 
stands  in  the  midst  of  the  said  lake.  This  cause- 
way is  two  lances  broad,  and  so  well  built  that 
eight  horsemen  can  ride  abreast;  and  within  these 
two  leagues,  there  are  three  cities  on  one  and  the 
other  side  of  the  said  causeway,  one  called  Mesi- 
calzinco,  founded  for  the  greater  part  within  the 
said  lake,  and  the  other  two,  called  Nyciaca  and 
Huchilohuchico,1  on  the  other  shore  of  it,  with 
many  of  their  houses  on  the  water.  The  first  of 
these  cities  may  have  three  thousand  families,  the 
second  more  than  six  thousand,  and  the  third,  four 
or  five  thousand.  In  all  of  them  there  are  very 
good  edifices  of  houses  and  towers,  especially  the 
residences  of  the  lords  and  chief  persons,  and  the 
mosques  or  oratories  where  they  keep  their  idols. 
These  cities  have  a  great  trade  in  salt,  which  they 
make  from  the  water  of  the  lake,  and  the  crust  of 
the  land  bathed  by  the  lake,  and  which  they  boil 
in  a  certain  manner,  making  loaves  of  salt,  which 
they  sell  to  the  inhabitants  in  the  neighbourhood. 

1  The  Aztec  name  was  Tenochtitlan  or  Mexico-Tenoch- 
titlan.  An  explanation  of  the  etymology  of  this  name  is 
given  in  the  third  chapter. 

1  Cortes  conquered  the  people  of  Mexico  but  he  never 
mastered  their  language.  These  towns  were  Mexicalzinco, 
Huitzilopocho,  and  Coyohuacan. 


1 84  Fernando  Cortes 


I  followed  the  said  causeway  for  about  half  a 
league  before  I  came  to  the  city  proper  of  Temix- 
titan.  At  the  junction  of  another  causeway,  which 
joins  this  one  from  the  mainland,  I  found  an- 
other strong  fortification,  with  two  towers  sur- 
rounded by  walls  twelve  feet  high  with  castellated 
tops.  This  commands  the  two  roads  and  has  only 
two  gates,  by  one  of  which  they  enter  and  from 
the  other  they  come  out.  About  one  thousand  of 
the  principal  citizens  came  out  to  meet  me  and 
speak  to  me,  all  richly  dressed  alike,  according  to 
their  fashion;  and  when  they  came,  each  one  in 
approaching  me,  and  before  speaking,  would  use 
a  ceremony  that  is  very  common  amongst  them, 
putting  his  hand  on  the  ground  and  afterwards 
kissing  it,  so  that  I  was  kept  waiting  almost  an 
hour,  until  each  had  performed  his  ceremony.  In 
the  very  outskirts  of  the  city  there  is  a  wooden 
bridge,  ten  paces  broad,  across  an  opening  in  the 
causeway,  where  the  water  may  flow  in  and  out 
as  it  rises  or  falls.  The  bridge  is  also  for  defence, 
for  they  remove  and  replace  the  long,  broad  wooden 
beams  of  which  it  is  constructed,  whenever  they 
wish;  and  there  are  many  of  these  bridges  in  the 
city,  as  Your  Highness  will  see  in  the  account  that 
I  shall  make  of  its  affairs. 

Having  crossed  this  bridge,  we  were  received  by 
that  lord,  Montezuma,  accompanied  by  about  two 
hundred  chiefs,  all  barefooted  and  dressed  in  a  kind 
of  livery,  very  rich,  according  to  their  custom,  and 
some  more  so  than  others.  They  approached  in  two 
processions  near  the  walls  of  the  street,  which  is 
very  broad,  and  straight,  and  beautiful,  and  very 
uniform  from  one  end  to  the  other,  being  about  two 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  185 


thirds  of  a  league  long  and  having  very  large  houses, 
both  dwelling-places  and  mosques  on  both  sides. 
Montezuma  came  in  the  middle  of  the  street,  with 
two  lords,  one  on  the  right  side  and  the  other  on  the 
left,  one  of  whom  was  the  same  great  lord,  who, 
as  I  said,  came  in  that  litter  to  speak  with  me; 
and  the  other  was  the  brother  of  Montezuma,  lord 
of  the  city  of  Iztapalapan,  whence  I  had  come  that 
day.  All  were  dressed  in  the  same  manner,  except 
that  Montezuma  was  shod,  and  the  other  lords  were 
barefooted.  Each  supported  him  below  his  arms 
and  as  we  approached  each  other,  I  descended  from 
my  horse  and  was  about  to  embrace  him,  but  the  two 
lords  in  attendance  prevented  me,  and  they  and  he 
also,  made  the  ceremony  of  kissing  the  ground. 
This  done,  he  ordered  his  brother  who  came  with 
him,  to  remain  with  me  and  take  me  by  the  arm,  and 
the  other  attendant  walked  a  little  ahead  of  us. 
After  he  had  spoken  to  me,  all  the  other  lords  who 
formed  the  two  processions,  also  saluted  me,  one 
after  another,  and  then  returned  to  the  procession. 
When  I  approached  to  speak  to  Montezuma,  I  took 
off  a  collar  of  pearls  and  glass  diamonds,  that  I 
wore,  and  put  it  on  his  neck,  and  after  we  had 
gone  through  some  of  the  streets,  one  of  his  servants 
appeared  bringing  two  collars  of  shells,  wrapped 
in  a  cloth,  which  were  made  of  coloured  shells. 
These  they  esteem  very  much,  and  from  each  of  the 
collars  hung  eight  golden  shrimps  a  span  long,  and 
executed  with  great  perfection.  When  he  received 
them,  he  turned  towards  me  and  put  them  on  my 
neck,  and  again  went  on  through  the  streets,  as  I 
have  already  indicated,  until  we  came  to  a  large 
and  handsome  house,  which  he  had  prepared  for  our 


1 86  Fernando  Cortes 


reception.  There  he  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  led 
me  into  a  spacious  room  in  front  of  the  court  where 
we  had  entered,  where  he  made  me  sit  on  a  very 
rich  platform  which  had  been  ordered  to  be  made 
for  him,  and,  telling  me  to  wait  there,  he  then 
went  away. 

After  a  little  while,  when  all  the  people  of  my 
company  were  distributed  to  their  quarters,  he  re- 
turned with  many  valuables  of  gold  and  silver  work, 
and  five  or  six  thousand  pieces  of  rich  cotton  stuffs, 
woven  and  embroidered  in  divers  ways.  After  he 
had  given  them  to  me,  he  sat  down  on  another  plat- 
form, which  they  immediately  prepared  near  the  one 
where  I  was  seated,  and  being  seated,  he  spoke  in 
the  following  manner :  "  We  have  known  since  a 
long  time,  from  the  chronicles  of  our  forefathers, 
that  neither  I,  nor  those  who  inhabit  this  country, 
are  descendants  from  the  aborigines  of  it,  but  from 
strangers,  who  came  to  it  from  very  distant  regions ; 
and  we  also  hold,  that  our  race  was  brought  to  these 
parts  by  a  lord,  whose  vassals  they  all  were  and  who 
returned  to  his  native  country.  After  a  long  time 
he  came  back,  but  so  much  time  had  elapsed,  that 
those  who  remained  here  were  married  with  the 
native  women  of  the  country  and  had  many  de- 
scendants, and  had  built  towns  where  they  were 
living ;  when,  therefore,  he  wished  to  take  them  away 
with  him,  they  would  not  go,  nor  still  less  receive 
him  as  their  ruler,  so  he  departed.  And  we  have 
always  held  that  his  descendants  would  come  to 
subjugate  this  country  and  us,  as  his  vassals;  and 
according  to  the  direction  from  which  you  say  you 
come,  which  is  where  the  sun  rises,  and  from  what 
you  tell  us  of  your  great  lord,  or  king,  who  has 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  187 


sent  you  here,  we  believe  and  hold  for  certain  that 
he  is  our  rightful  sovereign,  especially  as  you  tell  us 
that  since  many  days  he  has  had  news  of  us.  Hence 
you  may  be  sure  that  we  shall  obey  you  and  hold 
you  as  the  representative  of  this  great  lord  of 
whom  you  speak,  and  that  in  this  there  will  be  no 
lack  or  deception ;  and  throughout  the  whole  country 
you  may  command  at  your  will  (I  speak  of  what  I 
possess  in  my  dominions)  because  you  will  be 
obeyed  and  recognised,  and  all  we  possess  is  at 
your  disposal. 

"  Since  you  are  in  your  rightful  place  and  in  your 
own  homes,  rejoice  and  rest,  free  from  all  the 
trouble  of  the  journey  and  the  wars  you  have  had, 
for  I  am  well  aware  of  all  that  has  happened  to 
you,  between  Puntunchan  and  here,  and  I  know 
very  well  that  the  people  of  Cempoal  and  Tascal- 
tecal  have  told  you  many  evil  things  respecting 
me.  Do  not  believe  more  than  you  see  with  your 
own  eyes,  especially  from  those  who  are  my  enemies 
and  were  my  vassals,  yet  rebelled  against  me  on 
your  coming,  as  they  say,  in  order  to  help  you.  1 
know  they  have  told  you  also  that  I  have  houses 
with  walls  of  gold,  and  that  the  furniture  of  my 
halls  and  other  things  of  my  service  are  also  of  gold, 
and  that  I  am,  or  make  myself,  a  god,  and  many 
other  things.  The  houses  you  have  seen  are  of  lime 
and  stone  and  earth."  And  then  he  held  up  his 
robes  and  showing  me  his  body  he  said  to  me,  "  Look 
at  me  and  see  that  I  am  flesh  and  bones  the  same 
as  you  and  everybody,  and  that  I  am  mortal  and 
tangible."  And  touching  his  arms  and  body  with 
his  hands  "  Look  how  they  have  lied  to  you !  It  is 
true  indeed  that  I  have  some  things  of  gold  which 


1 88  Fernando  Cortes 


have  been  left  to  me  by  ray  forefathers.  All  that 
I  possess,  you  may  have  whenever  you  wish.  I  shall 
now  go  to  other  houses  where  I  live;  but  you  will 
be  provided  here  with  everything  necessary  for  you 
and  your  people,  and  you  shall  suffer  no  annoyance, 
for  you  are  in  your  own  house  and  country." 

I  answered  to  all  he  said,  certifying  that  which 
seemed  to  be  suitable,  especially  confirming  his  belief 
that  it  was  Your  Majesty  whom  they  were  expect- 
ing. After  this,  he  took  his  leave,  and  when  he 
had  gone,  we  were  well  provided  with  chickens, 
bread,  fruits,  and  other  necessaries,  especially  such 
as  were  required  for  the  service  of  our  quarters, 
Thus  I  passed  six  days  well  provided  with  every- 
thing necessary  and  visited  by  many  of  the  lords. 

Amazement  and  satisfaction  must  have  con- 
tended for  the  mastery  in  the  mind  of  Cortes 
as  he  listened  to  this  singular  discourse  from  a 
sovereign,  of  whose  power  he  beheld  such  tan- 
gible proofs.  Taken  literally,  Montezuma's 
speech  was  an  acknowledgment  of  his  own 
vassalage  to  the  king  of  Spain,  if  not  indeed 
of  his  abdication.  Doubtless,  however,  Cortes 
did  not  put  a  strictly  literal  construction  on 
the  Emperor's  phrases ;  superstition  may  enslave 
the  mind  without  deciding  the  conduct  of  its 
victim,  and  certainly  Cortes  did  not  count  on 
the  Aztec  monarch's  surrender  of  his  power, 
merely  in  obedience  to  the  imaginary  fulfilment 
of  an  ancient  prophecy,  and  without  resistance.1 

1  Montezuma's  speech  reached  Cortes  through  Marina 
and  Aguilar,  whose  best  efforts  did  not  exclude  inaccuracy. 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  189 


The  customary  vigilance  was  exercised  in  pla- 
cing the  guns  so  as  to  command  the  approaches 
and  defend  the  entrances  of  the  Spanish 
quarters;  the  guards  were  mounted  and  every 
precaution  taken  against  the  possibility  of  an 
attack.1  That  evening  the  Spaniards  celebrated 
their  entry  into  the  capital  by  firing  salvos  of 
artillery,  the  sound  and  smoke  of  which  spread 
terror  through  the  city,  whose  inhabitants  were 
thus  furnished  with  actual  proof  that  the  teules 
commanded  the  thunder  and  the  lightning.2 

Accompanied  by  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  Juan 
Velasquez  de  Leon,  Diego  de  Ordaz,  and  Gonzalo 
de  Sandoval,  Cortes  returned  Montezuma's  visit, 
in  state,  on  Wednesday  the  ninth  of  November. 
His  escort  was  composed  of  five  soldiers,  of 
whom  Bernal  Diaz  was  one.  The  latter  has 
left  us  an  interesting  sketch  of  the  Aztec 
monarch's  appearance : 

The  great  Montezuma  may  have  been  about 
forty  years  old,3  of  a  good  height  and  well  pro- 
portioned, slender  and  not  very  dark-complexioned, 
but  of  the  regular  Indian  shade.  His  hair  was  just 
long  enough  to  cover  his  ears,  and  his  beard  was 
scanty  and  thin;  his  face  was  full  and  genial,  with 
pleasing  eyes.    His  glance  was  kindly  and,  when 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  lxxxix.;  Relacion  de  Andres  de  Tapia; 
Sahagun,  lib.  xi.,  cap.  xvi.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xlvi.; 
Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  xvi.,  xvii. 

2  Sahagun,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  xvi. 

3  Born  in  1468?  Montezuma  was  fifty-two  years  old. 


190  Fernando  Cortes 


necessary,  grave.  He  was  exquisitely  clean,  and 
bathed  once  a  day  in  the  afternoon. 

After  the  formalities  exacted  by  the  etiquette 
of  the  court  had  been  complied  with  and  all 
had  taken  their  places  in  the  Emperor's  pre- 
sence, Cortes  announced  the  mission  that  had 
brought  him  to  Mexico,  sent  by  the  King  of 
Spain,  the  greatest  monarch  in  the  world.  The 
usual  exposition  of  Christian  doctrine  followed, 
accompanied  by  an  exhortation  to  the  Aztec 
sovereign  to  renounce  the  falsehoods  of  idolatry 
and  embrace  the  Catholic  faith.  The  homily 
was  lengthy — perhaps  more  so  than  on  previous 
occasions.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  in 
just  what  sense  the  great  truths  and  mysteries 
of  religion  reached  Montezuma's  understanding, 
through  the  medium  of  Marina's  interpreta- 
tion. She  had  recited  this  speech  a  number  of 
times,  but  just  what  her  comprehension  of  its 
real  meaning  was,  is  also  unknown  to  us.  In 
any  case  it  seems  to  have  made  small  impression* 
on  the  Emperor,  who  had  been  a  priest  of  his 
own  religion  and  was  now  its  official  chief  as 
wrell  as  the  head  of  the  state ;  it  was  not  possible 
for  him  to  divest  himself  of  his  life-long  beliefs 
in  response  to  such  stammering  and  mangled  ex- 
position of  a  new  doctrine.  The  greatness  of 
his  power,  the  prosperity  of  his  state,  and  all 
temporal  blessings  as  well  as  spiritual  aspira- 
tions, were  centred  in  the  national  gods,  and 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  191 


in  his  answer,  lie  dismissed  the  argument  by 
admitting  that  the  Christian  God  was  doubtless 
very  good,  but  his  own  deities  were  equally  so 
and  that  they  must  not  talk  of  religion.  At  the 
termination  of  this  interview  a  thousand  dollars 
of  gold,  besides  other  presents,  were  distributed 
amongst  the  captains,  and  to  each  soldier  a 
golden  neck-chain  was  given.  The  Spaniards 
returned  to  their  quarters,  talking  of  the  de- 
lightful personality,  agreeable  conversation,  and 
princely  generosity  of  the  ruler  of  Mexico. 

The  fourth  day  after  the  Christians  had  taken 
possession  of  the  quarters  assigned  to  them  in 
the  palace  of  Axayacatl,  Cortes  expressed  a 
wish  to  visit  the  market-place  and  the  temple, 
which  his  host  hastened  to  gratify.  He  rode 
at  the  head  of  his  small  troop  of  horsemen  to 
the  Tlatelolco  quarter,  where  the  chief  market 
of  the  city  was  situated,  in  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  one  of  the  greatest  of  the 
temples.  As  no  better  description  of  the  great 
mart  of  Tlatelolco  has  ever  been  written  than 
that  penned  by  Cortes  to  Charles  V.,  let  us 
read  the  first  impressions  of  the  first  European 
who  e.ver  beheld  that  novel  spectacle. 

There  is  one  square,  twice  as  large  as  that  of 
Salamanca,  all  surrounded  by  arcades,  where  there 
are  daily  more  than  sixty  thousand  souls,  buying 
and  selling,  and  where  are  found  all  the  kinds  of 
merchandise  produced  in  these  countries,  including 
food  products,  jewels  of  gold  and  silver,  lead,  brass, 


192  Fernando  Cortes 


copper,  zinc,  stones,  bones,  shells,  and  feathers. 
Stones  are  sold,  hewn  and  unhewn;  adobes,  bricks, 
and  wood,  both  in  the  rough  and  manufactured  in 
various  ways.  There  is  a  street  for  game,  where 
they  sell  every  sort  of  bird,  such  as  chickens,  par- 
tridges, quails,  wild-ducks,  fly-catchers,  widgeons, 
turtle-doves,  pigeons,  reed-birds,  parrots,  eagles, 
owls,  eaglets,  owlets,  falcons,  sparrow-hawks,  and 
kestrels,  and  they  sell  the  skins  of  some  of  these 
birds  of  prey  with  their  feathers,  heads,  beaks,  and 
claws.  They  sell  rabbits,  hares,  and  small  dogs, 
which  latter  they  castrate  and  raise  for  the  purpose 
of  eating. 

There  is  a  street  set  apart  for  the  sale  of  herbs, 
where  can  be  found  every  sort  of  root  and  medicinal 
herb  that  grows  in  the  country.  There  are  houses 
like  apothecary  shops,  where  prepared  medicines 
are  sold,  as  well  as  liquids,  ointments,  and  plasters. 
There  are  places  like  our  barber  shops,  where  they 
wash,  and  shave  their  heads.  There  are  houses 
where  they  supply  food  and  drink  for  payment. 
There  are  men  who  carry  burdens,  such  as  are  called 
in  Castile  porters.  There  is  much  wood,  charcoal, 
braziers  made  of  earthenware,  and  mats  of  divers 
kinds  for  beds,  and  others  very  thin,  used  as 
cushions  and  for  carpeting  halls  and  bedrooms. 
There  are  all  sorts  of  vegetables  and  especially 
onions,  leeks,  garlic,  borage,  nasturtium,  water- 
cresses,  sorrel,  thistles,  and  artichokes.  There  are 
many  kinds  of  fruits,  amongst  others,  cherries,  and 
prunes  like  the  Spanish  ones.  They  sell  bees'  honey 
and  wax,  and  honey  made  of  corn  stalks,  which  is 
as  sweet  and  syrup-like  as  that  of  sugar,  also  honey 
of  a  plant  called  maguey,  which  is  better  than 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  193 


most;  from  these  same  plants  they  make  sugar  and 
wine,1  which  they  also  sell. 

They  also  sell  skeins  of  different  kinds  of  spun 
cotton,  in  all  colours,  so  that  it  seems  quite  like 
one  of  the  silk  markets  of  Granada,  although  it  is 
on  a  greater  scale;  also  as  many  different  colours 
for  painters  as  can  be  found  in  Spain  and  of  as 
excellent  hues.  They  sell  deerskins,  with  all  the 
hair  tanned  on  them,  and  of  different  colours ;  much 
earthenware,  exceedingly  good,  many  sorts  of  pots, 
large  and  small,  pitchers,  large  tiles,  an  infinite 
variety  of  vases,  all  of  very  singular  clay,  and  most 
of  them  glazed  and  painted.  They  sell  maize,  both 
in  the  grain  and  made  into  bread,  which  is  very 
superior  in  its  quality  to  that  of  the  other  islands 
and  mainland ;  pies  of  birds  and  fish,  also  much  fish, 
fresh,  salted,  cooked,  and  raw;  eggs  of  hens,  and 
geese,  and  other  birds  in  great  quantity,  and  cakes 
made  of  eggs.2 

Finally,  besides  those  things  I  have  mentioned, 
they  sell  in  the  city  markets  everything  else  that 
is  found  in  the  whole  country  and  which, — on  ac- 
count of  the  profusion  and  number,  do  not  occur 
to  my  memory,  nor  do  I  describe  the  things,  be- 
cause I  do  not  know  their  names.   Each  sort  of 

1  The  whitish,  slippery,  fermented  liquor  called  pulque 
is  extracted  from  the  maguey  and  is  still  the  popular 
drink  in  Mexico;  as  it  must  be  drunk  fresh,  special  pulque 
trains  daily  carry  supplies  to  towns  along  the  railway  lines. 
Flavoured  with  pineapple,  strawberry,  and  other  fresh 
fruit  juices,  and  well  iced,  it  is  a  very  good  drink,  whole- 
some, and  only  intoxicating  if  drunk  immoderately. 

2  Given  wrongly,  as  I  think,  by  some  translators  as 
omelettes. 

13 


i94  Fernando  Cortes 


merchandise  is  sold  in  its  respective  street  and 
they  do  not  mix  their  kinds  of  merchandise 
of  any  species;  thus  they  preserve  perfect  order. 
Everything  is  sold  by  a  kind  of  measure,  and  until 
now,  we  have  not  seen  anything  sold  by  weight. 

There  is  in  this  square  a  very  large  building,  like 
a  Court  of  Justice,  where  there  are  always  ten  or 
twelve  persons  sitting  as  judges,  and  delivering  their 
decisions  upon  all  cases  that  arise  in  the  markets. 
There  are  other  persons  in  the  same  square  who 
go  about  continually  among  the  people,  observing 
what  is  sold,  and  the  measures  used  in  selling,  and 
they  have  been  seen  to  break  some  which  were  false. 

This  great  city  contains  many  mosques,  or  houses 
for  idols,  very  beautiful  edifices  situated  in  the 
different  precincts  of  it;  in  the  principal  ones  of 
which,  dwell  the  religious  orders  of  their  sect,  for 
whom,  besides  the  houses  in  which  they  keep  their 
idols,  there  are  very  good  habitations  provided. 
All  these  priests  dress  in  black  and  never  cut  or 
comb  their  hair  from  the  time  they  enter  the  relig- 
ious order  until  they  leave  it;  and  the  sons  of  all 
the  principal  families,  both  of  chiefs  as  well  as  of 
noble  citizens,  are  in  these  religious  orders  and 
habits  from  the  age  of  seven  or  eight  years,  till 
they  are  taken  away  for  the  purpose  of  marriage. 
This  happens  more  frequently  with  the  first-born 
who  inherit  the  property,  than  with  the  others. 
They  have  no  access  to  women,  nor  are  any  allowed 
to  enter  the  religious  houses;  they  abstain  from 
eating  certain  dishes,  and  more  so  at  certain  times 
of  the  year  than  at  others. 

From  the  market-place  Cortes  went  to  the 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  195 


teocalli  where  Montezuma,  who  had  been  carried 
thither  in  his  litter,  awaited  him.  Six  men 
were  in  readiness  to  spare  him  the  fatigue  of 
the  ascent  by  carrying  him  up  the  steps,  but,  re- 
fusing their  proffered  assistance,  he  and  his 
soldiers  marched  up  the  broad  staircase  to  the 
top  where  the  Emperor  received  him.  In  reply 
to  the  courteous  observation  of  Montezuma  that 
he  must  be  fatigued  by  the  climb,  Cortes  an- 
swered, with  a  touch  of  bravado  that  was  un- 
usual to  him,  "  Nothing  ever  tires  me  or  my 
companions." 

From  the  summit  of  the  teocalli,  towering  as 
it  did  above  the  entire  city,  an  extensive  view 
of  the  capital  and  its  surroundings  was  offered 
to  the  Spaniards,  who  gazed  on  the  beauty  of 
the  scene  with  interest,  not  unmingled  with  ap- 
prehension roused  by  the  sight  of  the  system  of 
canals  and  bridges,  by  which  they  might  be  com- 
pletely cut  off  from  retreat  at  Montezuma's 
pleasure. 

The  first  thought  of  Cortes,  however,  was  to 
plant  a  Christian  church  on  the  teocalli.  Fray 
Bartolome  de  Olmedo,  who  wras  present,  objected 
and  reasoned  so  earnestly  against  a  step  that 
was  obviously  premature  and  also  dangerous, 
that  the  commander  consented  to  refrain  from 
mentioning  his  wish  at  that  time.  He  asked 
permission,  however,  to  see  the  interior  of 
the  sanctuaries  and,  after  consulting  with  the 
priests  Montezuma  accorded  his  consent.  The 


196  Fernando  Cortes 


sight  that  met  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards  was 
a  horrifying  one.  The  gigantic  images  of 
Huitzilopochtli,  the  god  of  war  and  his  com- 
panion deity  Tezcatlipoca,  decorated  with  gold 
and  precious  stones  and  splashed  with  human 
gore,  stood  within  the  dim  sanctuary  that  reeked 
with  the  blood  of  recent  sacrifice  and  the  heavy 
fumes  of  copal  incense.  On  a  golden  salver  lay 
human  hearts. 

Revolted  by  this  ghastly  spectacle  Cortes 
spoke  to  Montezuma  through  Marina  saying, 
"  My  lord  Montezuma,  I  know  not  how  so  great 
a  sovereign  and  so  wise  a  man  as  Your  Majesty 
should  never  have  perceived  that  these  idols  are 
no  gods  but  the  things  of  evil,  called  devils." 
He  further  asked  for  permission  to  cast  out  the 
idols,  cleanse  the  temple,  and  erect  there  a 
cross  and  a  statue  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  that 
Montezuma  had  already  seen.  The  consterna- 
tion and  anger  provoked  by  this  demand  were 
very  great  and  Montezuma  answered  with  of- 
fended dignity,  "  Had  I  thought,  Senor  Malint- 
zin,  that  you  would  offer  such  an  insult  as 
you  have  thought  well  to  utter,  I  would  not 
have  shown  you  my  gods;  we  hold  them  to  be 
very  good,  for  they  give  us  health,  rains,  good 
harvests,  victory,  and  all  we  desire,  hence  we 
are  bound  to  adore  them  and  offer  them  sac- 
rifice. I  beg  you  to  dishonour  them  no  further." 
Even  Cortes  perceived  that  he  had  gone  too  far 
and,  changing  his  tone,  he  took  leave  of  his  host. 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  197 


who  remained  behind  to  placate  the  outraged 
deities  with  fresh  sacrifices. 

The  Spaniards,  with  the  Emperor's  consent, 
fitted  up  a  chapel  in  one  of  the  rooms  of  the 
palace  they  occupied,  where  mass  was  cele- 
brated as  long  as  the  limited  supply  of  wine 
held  out.  The  soldiers  said  their  prayers  be- 
fore the  altar,  with  its  statue  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  and  the  symbol  of  the  cross,  and  all 
assembled  there  for  the  Angelus. 

While  the  altar  in  this  improvised  chapel 
was  being  erected,  the  carpenter  discovered  a 
masked  door  which,  on  being  opened,  was  found 
to  lead  to  a  vast  hall  that  served  as  a  treasury. 
In  the  centre  of  the  floor  was  a  great  pile  of 
gold  and  precious  stones,  while  the  walls  round- 
about were  hung  with  rich  stuffs,  mantles  of 
costly  feather- work,  shields,  arms,  and  numerous 
ornaments  of  gold  and  silver  exquisitely  worked. 
This  hoard  was  the  treasure  left  by  Montezuma's 
grandfather,  the  Emperor  Axayacatl.  After 
inspecting  the  secret  treasure-house,  Cortes 
ordered  the  door  to  be  sealed  up  and  the 
discovery  never  to  be  mentioned. 

During  these  first  days  in  the  capital,  the 
Spaniards  were  the  object  of  every  attention 
and  were  visited  daily  by  the  great  nobles  of 
the  country.  Despite  such  outward  seeming, 
the  Spanish  captains  were  disquieted  by  reports 
that  reached  them  through  the  Tlascalan  and 
Cempoallan  allies,  that  treachery  was  brewing. 


198  Fernando  Cortes 


It  was  asserted  that  they  had  finally  been 
allowed  to  enter  the  city  because  it  would  be 
more  easy  to  annihilate  them  there  than  else- 
where. Surrounded  as  they  were  by  countless 
hordes  of  Montezuma's  warriors  and  vassals,  to 
whom  his  word  was  law,  the  gravity  of  their 
situation  became  daily  more  oppressively  evi- 
dent to  all  of  them.  It  was  obvious  that  their 
stay  could  not  be  indefinitely  prolonged,  but  it 
was  not  exactly  clear  how  it  was  to  terminate 
felicitously.  If  it  had  been  difficult  to  get  into 
the  Aztec  capital,  it  seemed  even  more  of  an 
undertaking  to  get  out  of  it  alive.  The  city 
was  so  planned  that  exit  from  it  could  be 
effectually  cut  off  by  raising  the  bridges;  once 
this  were  done,  the  little  handful  of  Christians 
would  find  themselves  isolated  amidst  a  vast 
multitude  of  fierce  enemies  who,  if  they  did  not 
overwhelm  them  by  mere  force  of  numbers, 
might  reduce  them  by  thirst  and  starvation. 
The  imminence  of  their  danger  prompted  Cortes 
to  call  a  meeting  of  his  captains,  Juan  Velas- 
quez, Pedro  de  Alvarado,  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval, 
and  Diego  de  Ordaz,  at  which  twelve  soldiers  1 
assisted,  to  consider  the  measures  necessary  for 
their  safety.  After  divers  propositions  had  been 
presented,  Cortes  exposed  the  plan  he  had  been 
maturing  in  his  mind,  to  seize  Montezuma  and 
bring  him  to  the  Spanish  quarters,  where  he 

1  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  states  that  he  was  one  of  the 
twelve. 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  199 


would  serve  as  a  hostage  for  the  good  conduct 
of  his  subjects.  This  project,  which  for  sheer 
daring  stands  alone  in  history,  met  with  instant, 
if  not  unanimous  approval,  and  nothing  more 
lucidly  illustrates  the  character  of  the  Spanish 
conquerors  of  that  epoch,  than  the  enthusiasm 
with  which  they  acclaimed  the  maddest  under- 
taking ever  conceived  by  a  responsible  leader. 

Cortes  had  likewise  discovered  a  pretext, 
flimsy  indeed,  but  sufficient  for  his  purpose,  for 
putting  his  scheme  into  execution,  by  referring 
back  to  a  certain  report  received  from  Juan  de 
Escalante  at  Vera  Cruz,  while  the  army  was 
still  in  Cholula.  This  report  stated  that  Mon- 
tezuma's lieutenant  at  Nauthla,  by  name  Quauh- 
popoca,  had  induced  Escalante  to  send  him  four 
Spaniards  to  act  as  his  escort  to  Vera  Cruz, 
where  he  declared  he  would  offer  his  allegiance 
to  the  King  of  Spain,  but  whither  he  was  un- 
able to  go  because  he  would  have  to  pass  through 
hostile  provinces,  with  whose  people  he  did  not 
wish  to  provoke  open  warfare.  When  the  four 
Spaniards  arrived  at  Nauthla,  Quauhpopoca 
killed  two  of  them  and  the  other  two,  after 
barely  escaping  with  their  lives,  returned  to 
report  his  treachery  to  Escalante.  A  punitive 
force  was  sent,  and  the  town  of  Nauthla  was 
burned,  but  Quauhpopoca  escaped.  Escalante 
reported  that  prisoners  taken  at  Nauthla  affirmed 
that  Quauhpopoca  had  declared  he  had  received 
Montezuma's  orders,  not  only  for  what  he  had 


2oo  Fernando  Cortes 


done,  but  also  to  exterminate  the  Spanish  force 
left  behind  at  Vera  Cruz.1 

So  impressed  were  the  Spaniards  with  the 
risks  of  their  bold  enterprise,  that  they  passed 
the  night  in  prayer  and  confessed  themselves 
to  the  Mercedarian  friar,  as  though  preparing 
for  death.  On  Monday,  the  fourteenth  of  No- 
vember, Cortes  ordered  his  men  to  prepare  as 
though  for  immediate  action,  the  gunners  to  be 
ready  with  the  artillery  and  the  horsemen  in 
their  saddles,  after  which  he  set  out  for  the 
royal  palace  accompanied  by  five  or  six  cap- 
tains fully  armed.  He  also  placed  small  bodies 
of  soldiers  at  different  cross-streets  to  keep  the 
wray  open  behind  him,  while  numerous  others 
were  sent,  in  twos  and  threes,  to  stroll  casually 
about  the  streets  near  the  palace. 

Montezuma  received  the  Spanish  commander 
with  his  usual  affable  courtesy  and,  after  some 
desultory  conversation,  in  the  course  of  which 
he  gave  his  visitors  some  presents  of  gold  and 
presented  one  of  his  own  daughters  to  Cortes, 
the  real  object  of  the  visit  was  disclosed.  Cor- 
tes, in  exposing  the  perfidy  of  Quauhpopoca,  de- 
clared that  he  held  Montezuma  incapable  of 
giving  his  representative  such  orders,  but  that 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  235.  The  version  of  this 
affair  given  by  Bernal  Diaz,  Herrera,  and  Torquemada 
differs  as  to  the  cause  of  the  trouble  with  Quauhpopoca. 
The  essential  fact  is,  that  the  incident  served  the  purpose 
of  Cortes,  and  we  follow  his  account,  which  he  said  he 
received  from  Escalante. 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  201 


he  must  answer  to  his  king  for  the  lives  of 
those  Spaniards  and  that  Montezuma  was  bound 
to  disculpate  himself  by  investigating  Quauh- 
popoca's  conduct  and  punishing  him  as  he  de- 
served. The  Emperor  emphatically  denied  that 
Quauhpopoca  had  acted  with  his  knowledge  or 
authority  and,  in  proof  of  his  sincerity,  he  then 
and  there  despatched  messengers  to  Nauthla, 
bearing  his  seal  as  a  sign  of  their  full  powers, 
to  bring  the  offender  and  his  accomplices  before 
him  without  delay.  Such  ready  acquiescence 
in  the  demands  of  the  Spaniards  might  seem 
to  have  blocked  the  way  for  further  measures 
but  Cortes,  after  waiting  till  the  messengers 
had  left,  reopened  the  subject  and,  without  use- 
less phrases,  informed  the  Emperor  that  until 
Quauhpopoca  had  been  punished,  His  Majesty 
must  consent  to  change  his  residence  to  the 
palace  inhabited  by  himself  where,  he  hastened 
to  assure  him,  he  would  be  perfectly  free  and 
would  be  treated  with  all  the  respect  due  to  his 
rank. 

Stupefied  and  indignant  at  this  unheard-of 
proposal,  Montezuma  replied  that  such  a  thing 
was  impossible,  for  even  were  he  disposed  to 
consent,  his  subjects  would  never  permit  it. 
During  some  four  hours,  the  discussion  con- 
tinued, until  Montezuma,  observing  the  im- 
patient mien  of  one  of  the  captains  and  hearing 
his  tone,  though  he  could  not  understand  his 
words,  turned  to  Marina  for  an  explanation. 


202  Fernando  Cortes 


Marina  answered,  begging  him  to  accompany  the 
Spaniards  quietly  and  without  fear,  as  he  would 
be  well  and  honourably  treated,  but  if  he  re- 
sisted he  would  be  instantly  killed  where  he 
stood.  After  the  offer  of  his  own  children  as 
hostages  had  been  peremptorily  refused,  the 
hapless  monarch  yielded  to  his  captors  and,  sum- 
moning his  courtiers,  he  ordered  his  litter  to 
be  prepared,  explaining  that  in  obedience  to  an 
oracle  of  the  god  of  war,  he  would  transfer  his 
residence  for  a  time  to  the  palace  of  Axayacatl. 
Sadly,  and  with  tears  in  their  eyes,  his  faithful 
attendants  bore  him  forth  to  his  captivity,  es- 
corted by  the  Spaniards,  and  as  the  procession 
passed  through  the  streets  the  people,  although 
not  yet  comprehending  its  destination  or  the 
meaning  of  what  was  happening,  murmured 
loudly  at  seeing  their  sovereign  surrounded  by 
the  armed  white  men.  The  rising  disturbance 
was  checked  at  the  outset  by  an  order  from  the 
Emperor,  commanding  the  populace  to  remain 
tranquil.1 

Thus  was  the  imprisonment  of  Montezuma 
effected.  If  the  audacity  of  Cortes  quickens 
our  involuntary  admiration,  it  need  not  blind 
us  to  the  unspeakable  perfidy  of  this  act.  Ke- 
peatedly  during  his  march  from  the  seacoast  to 
the  valley  of  Mexico,  he  had  given  his  solemn 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  238;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  xcv.; 
Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  lxxxiii.;  Relacion  de  Andres  de 
Topia;  Clavigero,  Storia  Antica  de  Mexico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  lxxi. 


In  the  Aztec  Capital  203 


promise  to  the  Emperor  that  his  visit  would  be 
productive  of  nothing  but  what  was  good  and 
advantageous  to  him  and  his  people.  He  had 
represented  himself,  falsely,  as  the  accredited 
ambassador  of  a  great  and  distant  king,  charged 
to  deliver  messages  of  friendship  to  the  Aztec 
monarch ;  he  had  been  loaded  with  princely  gifts 
and  treated  with  royal  hospitality,  for  all  of 
which  he  protested  that  he  would  repay  with 
"  good  deeds," — buenas  obras;  if  the  Emperor 
had  sought  to  evade  his  unwelcome  visit  and  had 
thrown  obstacles  in  the  way  of  his  march,  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  he  was  perfectly  within 
his  rights,  and  both  his  fears  which  were  great, 
and  his  forebodings  of  evil  which  were  greater, 
were  more  than  justified,  as  well  by  what  he 
already  knew  of  the  Spaniards  as  by  what  he 
was  later  to  suffer  at  their  hands. 

Orozco  y  Berra  observes  that  had  Cortes  thus 
violated  his  faith  in  treating  with  a  European, 
he  would  have  been  ashamed  of  himself,  but  as  he 
was  dealing  with  an  idolater,  a  barbarian,  an  In- 
dian, he  admitted  such  acts  <$f  perfidy  as  the 
subtleties  of  genius.1  If  success  achieved  by 
imposture,  deceit,  and  audacity  is  worthy  of 
commendation,  this  achievement  of  Cortes  must 
command  our  applause.  Ignorant,  doubtless  of 
the  letter,  he  guided  his  course  by  the  spirit 
of  a  crafty  maxim  of  Louis  XI. :  Qui  nescit 
dissimulare  nescit  regnare. 

1  Conquista  de  Mexico,  torn,  iv.,  p.  316. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


MONTEZUMA  A  PRISONER 

Quauhpopoca — Acolhuacan — Vassalage  of  Montezuma — 
The  Great  Temple — The  Idols  Overthrown — Monte- 
zuma's Warning — The  Arrival  of  a  Fleet 

ALTHOUGH  a  prisoner  in  the  Spanish 
quarters,  Montezuma  was  to  all  outward 
appearance  free.  He  continued  to  govern,  to 
receive  his  nobles  and  the  ambassadors  from 
distant  states  or  his  own  provinces,  while  the 
pompous  ceremonial  of  his  court  suffered  no 
interruption.  The  unfortunate  monarch  per- 
sisted in  maintaining  the  fiction  that  he  had 
voluntarily  changed  his  abode  and,  in  reply  to 
his  counsellors  and  relatives  who  sought  to 
arrange  for  his  escape,  he  again  declared  that 
it  was  the  will  of  the  gods  that  he  should  re- 
main where  he  was.  More  than  a  fortnight 
passed  in  this  manner,  when  the  messengers 
returned  from  Nauthla,  bringing  Quauhpopoca, 
his  young  son  and  fifteen  nobles  of  that  pro- 
vince, accused  of  favouring  the  murder  of  the 
two  Spaniards.  They  were  delivered  to  Cortes 
who  first  imprisoned  them  and  then,  after  a 
brief   interrogatory,    condemned    them   to  be 

burned  alive.    All  of  them  had  loyally  defended 

204 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  205 


their  sovereign  and  to  the  question  whether  it 
was  by  Montezuma's  orders  they  had  killed  the 
Spaniards,  they  answered  no.  While  this  bar- 
barous sentence  was  being  carried  out,  Cortes 
ordered  Montezuma  to  be  put  in  irons.  On  the 
square  before  the  palace,  the  populace  gazed  in 
silence  at  the  blazing  pyre  of  Quauhpopoca  and 
his  companions,  while  within  Montezuma's  apart- 
ment his  devoted  courtiers  silently  wept  as  they 
knelt  to  sustain  the  heavy  manacles  lest  they 
should  hurt  his  legs.  When  the  fatal  fires  were 
spent,  Cortes  returned  to  his  royal  captive  and 
removed  the  irons,  protesting  his  affection  and 
devotion  towards  him  and  offering  him  his 
liberty.  Montezuma  replied  that  it  was  better 
for  him  to  remain  where  he  was,  for  were  he  to 
return  to  his  palace,  he  would  be  importuned  by 
his  relatives  and  nobles  to  declare  open  war  on 
the  Spaniards,  whereas  he  did  not  wish  to  bring 
such  disaster  on  his  people. 

We  are  here  again  confronted  by  the  difficulty 
of  measuring  the  conduct  of  Cortes  by  abstract 
standards  of  right  and  wrong.  If  Quauhpopoca 
acted  in  obedience  to  his  sovereign's  orders,  he 
merited  no  punishment, — much  less  the  supreme 
agony  of  death  by  fire.  If,  on  the  contrary,  his 
action  proceeded  from  his  own  initiative  and 
without  the  previous  authorisation  of  the  Em- 
peror, then  Montezuma  was  free  from  blame 
and  should  not  have  been  degraded  by  the  im- 
position of  chains.    The  explanation  or  defence 


2o6  Fernando  Cortes 


of  the  action  of  Cortes  must  be  sought,  not  in 
the  moral  but  in  the  political  order.  Regarded 
as  a  politic  measure  to  advance  the  Spanish  in- 
terests, nothing  could  have  been  wiser  and  more 
effectual  than  to  demonstrate  to  the  entire  na- 
tion that  the  life  of  every  Spaniard  was  sacred, 
and  to  the  Emperor  that  there  was  no  depth  of 
humiliation  to  which  he  might  not  be  brought. 
That  Cortes  felt  himself  vested  with  a  dual 
mission  of  conquest  and  conversion,  there  can 
be  no  doubt;  that  the  results  of  that  con- 
quest to  humanity  at  large  have  been  beneficial 
is  equally  positive.  If  there  be  a  divine  law  of 
expiation,  both  in  the  moral  and  the  natural 
order,  that  exacts  atonement  for  man's  offences 
against  his  creator  and  against  his  fellow-men, 
Montezuma  was  far  from  filling  the  measure 
of  his  debt  by  one  brief  hour  of  humiliation. 
Bernal  Diaz,  in  reviewing  the  events  of  the  con- 
quest some  forty  years  later,  expressed  his  belief 
that  God's  providence  had  guided  Cortes  and 
his  men  in  all  they  did,  adding,  "  There  is  much 
food  here  for  meditation." 

The  most  civilised  nations  of  modern  times 
have  stood  by,  while  deeds  of  equal  arrogance 
have  been  perpetrated  by  the  strong  over  the 
weak.  Examples  are  within  our  recent  know- 
ledge, and,  if  the  royal  dynasties  and  national 
independence  of  small  states  are  now  suppressed 
by  intruding  foreigners  with  less  barbarity  than 
that  employed  by  Cortes,  the  reason  will  be 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  207 


found,  partly  in  the  weaker  resistance  offered 
and  partly  in  the  humaner  standards  of  modern 
warfare,  to  which  all  peoples  have  gradually 
advanced  since  the  sixteenth  century. 

After  Juan  de  Escalante  was  killed  at  Vera 
Cruz,  Cortes  had  appointed  Alonso  del  Grado  to 
fill  the  post  of  captain  there.  The  choice  was  a 
bad  one,  and  it  was  soon  found  necessary  to 
supplant  him  by  sending  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  to 
take  his  place.  Sandoval  was  instructed  to  send 
up  two  blacksmiths  from  the  coast,  and  the 
necessary  sails,  cordage,  iron-work,  and  other 
materials  preserved  from  the  sunken  fleet,  to 
enable  Cortes  to  construct  two  brigantines  on 
the  lake  of  Texcoco.  He  had  promised  to  build 
these  vessels  so  that  Montezuma  might  see  what 
the  "  water  houses  "  of  which  he  had  only  seen 
drawings,  were  like,  but  the  more  serious  object 
of  providing  some  means  of  communication  with 
the  mainland,  in  case  the  Mexicans  should  raise 
the  drawbridges,  underlay  the  pretext  of  divert- 
ing the  captive  Emperor. 

While  Montezuma  adapted  himself  to  the 
conditions  of  his  captivity  and  even  amused 
himself  at  games  with  his  captors,  the  arrogance 
of  the  Spaniards  increased  with  their  growing 
sense  of  security  and  gave  great  offence  to  his 
subjects.  Most  of  all  did  the  King  of  Texcoco 
resent  the  indignities  offered  to  his  brother-sov- 
ereign and  the  invasive  influence  of  the  detested 
strangers  in  the  affairs  of  the  government. 


2o8  Fernando  Cortes 


Texcoco,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Acol- 
huacan,  stood  at  the  north-eastern  extremity  of 
the  lake  of  the  same  name.  It  rivalled  Mexico 
in  size  and  importance,  was  the  centre  of  Nahua 
culture  and  has  been  described  as  the  "  Athens  " 
of  the  Aztecs.  The  triple  alliance  of  Mexico, 
Texcoco,  and  Tlacopan  (Tacuba)  formed  the 
core  of  the  Aztec  empire,  where  centred  the 
civilisation  of  Anahuac.  The  kings  of  Texcoco 
and  Tlacopan  recognised  the  King  of  Mexico  as 
their  over-lord  in  war  and  in  the  affairs  of  the 
central  administration,  but  in  all  other  respects 
these  sovereigns  were  equal,  absolute,  and  inde- 
pendent in  their  respective  dominions.  Texcoco 
was  older  than  Mexico,  and  Nezahualcoyotl,  the 
greatest  of  its  rulers,  bore  the  title  of  Aculhua 
Tecutl,  which  Mexican  historians  define  as  the 
equivalent  of  Caesar.  This  king  once  declared 
war  against  Mexico  over  a  trifling  question  of 
etiquette,  sacked  the  capital,  and  exacted  a 
heavy  indemnity.  The  kingdom  was  divided 
into  seventy-five  principalities  or  lordships, 
something  after  the  feudal  system  in  Europe 
during  the  Middle  Ages.  The  last  king  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  had  been  Nezahual- 
pilli,  a  ruler  of  superior  ability,  one  of  the 
greatest  princes  in  Mexican  history,  who  left 
one  hundred  and  forty-five  children,  of  whom 
there  were  four  sons  eligible  for  the  succession. 
The  electors,  under  pressure  of  Montezuma, 
chose  the  eldest,  Cacamatzin,  with  the  result 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  209 


that  the  youngest,  Ixtlilxochitl,  contested  the 
election  and  plunged  the  country  into  civil 
strife  from  which  it  emerged  divided,  and  in 
this  weakened  and  distracted  state,  Cortes 
found  it  upon  his  arrival.1 

Cacamatzin  had  absented  himself  from  Mex- 
ico after  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  and 
refused  to  respond  to  Montezuma's  invitation, 
sent  at  the  instance  of  Cortes,  to  return  to  the 
city,  saying  that  if  he  was  wanted  they  knew 
where  to  find  him.  A  conspiracy  to  seize  him  was 
formed  with  Montezuma's  approval,  in  which  his 
own  brothers  took  part  and,  after  being  treacher- 
ously captured  in  his  palace  in  Texcoco,  he  was 
brought  to  Mexico  where  Cortes  imprisoned  him, 
appointing  his  brother  Cuicuitzcatzin  to  rule  in 
his  stead. 

1  The  ambitious  Ixtlilxochitl,  discontented  with  the  por- 
tion he  had  received,  was  a  permanent  pretender  to  his 
brother's  crown  and  he,  as  has  been  stated,  secretly  sent 
an  embassy  to  Cortes  at  Cempoalla  asking  his  help  and 
offering  his  own  alliance.  This  afforded  Cortes  an  early 
insight  into  the  internal  dissensions  of  the  empire,  by 
which  he  so  readily  and  ably  profited  (Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chichimeca  apud  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn.  iv.). 

Texcoco  rapidly  diminished  in  population  and  import- 
ance after  the  conquest,  and  Thomas  Gage,  who  visited 
it  in  1626,  found  a  village  containing  one  hundred  Span- 
iards and  three  hundred  Indians,  reduced  to  poverty. 
Great  havoc  had  been  wrought  by  the  wanton  destruction 
of  the  magnificent  forests  of  giant  cedar  trees  in  the 
neighbourhood.  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  accused  Cortes  of 
using  seven  thousand  cedar  beams  in  the  construction  of 
his  palace  alone  (Voyage  de  Thomas  Gage,  torn,  i.,  cap. 
xiii.) . 


14 


2io  Fernando  Cortes 


Deeming  that  the  time  was  ripe  to  exact  from 
Montezuma  a  formal  and  public  recognition  of 
his  vassalage  to  the  King  of  Spain,  Cortes  pre- 
vailed upon  his  prisoner  to  summon  all  the 
nobles  of  the  empire  to  ratify  his  act  of  sub- 
mission. The  unhappy  monarch  delivered  an 
address  to  the  assembled  nobles  and  invited, — 
nay,  commanded, — them  to  obey  Cortes  for  the 
future  as  the  lawful  representative  of  their 
real  sovereign,  to  whom  they  all,  as  well  as 
himself,  must  render  obedience  and  tribute. 
This  pitiful  speech  was  delivered  with  such 
emotion  of  the  part  of  the  humbled  speaker  and 
provoked  such  an  outburst  of  tears  and  lamen- 
tations that  Cortes,  in  describing  the  scene  to 
Charles  V.,  concludes  by  saying,  "  and  I  assure 
Your  Sacred  Majesty  that  there  was  not  one 
amongst  the  Spaniards,  who  heard  this  dis- 
course, who  did  not  feel  great  compassion. " 

Each  of  the  nobles  was  enjoined  to  immedi- 
ately pay  his  quota  of  tribute,  and  imperial  mes- 
sengers were  sent  throughout  the  provinces  to 
collect  it.  The  partition  of  the  vast  sum,  vari- 
ously calculated  by  different  authorities,  led  to 
great  dissension  and  much  quarrelling  amongst 
the  Spaniards.  According  to  the  original  pact 
made  amongst  themselves,  one  fifth  of  the  total, 
after  deducting  the  royal  fifth  for  the  King,  was 
assigned  to  Cortes,  but  when  it  came  to  making 
the  distribution,  the  greatest  discontent  was 
expressed  at  the  commander's  portion.    To  ap- 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  211 


pease  the  complaints,  Cortes  renounced  his 
fifth  to  be  divided  among  the  poorer  soldiers. 
This  remarkable  man  had  by  this  time  advanced 
beyond  the  stage  of  squabbling  over  the  division 
of  spoils,  however  rich,  for  his  calculations 
already  dealt  with  empire. 

During  these  weeks,  while  the  Spaniards' 
control  was  affirming  itself  over  all  branches 
of  the  government  and  in  all  the  affairs  of  the 
capital,  Cortes  had  sent  different  expeditions 
throughout  the  country,  each  accompanied  by 
Montezuma's  agents,  who  pointed  out  the  where- 
abouts of  the  gold  mines.  These  expeditions 
had  brought  back  specimens  of  the  precious 
metal.  The  search  for  a  better  harbour  than 
that  of  Vera  Cruz  was  another  project  that 
occupied  the  commander's  attention  and,  with 
the  aid  of  a  map  that  Montezuma  gave  him  and 
guided  by  the  Aztecs,  one  was  finally  discovered, 
and  Juan  Velasquez  de  Leon  was  sent  with  fifty 
men  to  make  a  settlement  on  the  banks  of  the 
Coatzacoalco  River. 

There  remained,  however,  one  national  strong- 
hold which  the  Spaniards  had  thus  far  not 
shaken, — the  Mexican  religion.  Neither  the 
strenuous  methods  of  conversion  employed  by 
Cortes,  nor  the  more  apostolic  system  of  Fray 
Bartolome  de  Olmedo  had  prevailed  to  win 
Montezuma  from  his  national  gods.  The  ritual 
was  daily  celebrated  in  the  temples,  and  human 
sacrifices  continued  to  be  offered  on  the  countless 


2i2  Fernando  Cortes 


altars  of  Anahuac.  Since  his  first  visit  to  the 
Tlatelolco  teocalli,  Cortes  had  refrained  from 
entering  the  temples,  doubtless  distrusting  his 
powers  of  self-control  to  restrain  him  from 
committing  acts  of  violence  which  his  saner 
judgment  told  him  would  be  imprudent.  The 
chief  temple  of  the  city  stood  immediately  oppo- 
site the  Spanish  quarters,  and  the  religious  rites 
celebrated  on  the  summit  of  the  teocalli  must 
have  been  within  full  sight  of  the  garrison. 

The  great  teocalli  of  the  chief  temple  was 
completed  in  the  form  in  which  the  Spaniards 
beheld  it,  by  Montezuma's  grandfather,  Ahuit- 
zotl,  in  1487,  when  the  solemn  dedication  was 
celebrated  by  the  sacrifice  of  a  vast  number  of 
human  victims,  estimated  by  Torquemada  at 
72,344/  by  Ixtlilxochitl  at  80,000,2  but  more 
credibly  fixed  by  the  Tellerian  and  Vatican 
Codices  at  the  still  respectable  figure  of  20,000. 
Pretexts  for  wars  with  various  tribes  were  in- 
vented in  order  to  procure  the  victims  for  this 
ghastly  hecatomb,  and  the  ceremony  of  incessant 
slaughter  occupied  two  entire  days. 

The  exact  form  and  dimensions  of  the  temple 
are  not  positively  known,  but  it  is  probable  that 
the  pyramid  was  an  oblong,  measuring  some- 
thing over  three  hundred  feet  in  length  at  its 
base,  and  rising  in  graduated  terraces  to  a 
height  of  something  less  than  one  hundred  feet. 

1  Monarchia  Indiana,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  lxiii. 

2  Historia  Chichirneca. 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  213 


Bernal  Diaz 1  says  that  he  counted  one  hun- 
dred and  fourteen  steps,  and  this  tallies  almost 
exactly  with  the  statement  of  Andres  de  Tapia  2 
that  he  counted  one  hundred  and  thirteen.  Ber- 
nal Diaz  also  measured  the  pyramids  at  Cholula 
and  Texcoco  in  the  same  way,  and  counted  one 
hundred  and  twenty  steps  on  the  former,  and 
one  hundred  and  seventeen  on  the  latter,  hence, 
if  he  was  accurate,  the  great  pyramid  of  Mex- 
ico was  not  the  loftiest  in  the  empire.  Not  one 
of  the  Spaniards  who  saw  this  edifice  seems  to 
have  observed  it  critically,  or  to  have  left  a  com- 
plete description  of  it  to  posterity.  They  were 
all  more  impressed  with  the  dreadful  significance 
of  the  horrors  they  saw  within  it  than  with 
the  architectural  details;  all  agree  that  it  was 
a  most  awesome  place,  in  which  dark,  grue- 
some chambers,  smelling  like  a  slaughter-house, 
contained  hideous  idols,  smeared  with  human 
blood.  In  these  dim  recesses,  demoniacal  priests, 
clad  in  black  robes,  with  grotesquely  painted 
faces  framed  in  blood-clotted  locks,  celebrated 
their  inhuman  rites  and  offered  smoking  hearts 
on  golden  salvers  to  the  monstrous  deities  there 
enthroned.  The  presiding  figure  of  this  theo- 
cratic charnel  house  was  that  of  the  god  of  war, 
Huitzilopochtli — the  humming-bird  to  the  left — 
and  of  his  image  Bernal  Diaz  gives  a  careful 
description. 

1  Hist.  Verdad,  cap.  viii. 

2  Relation,  p.  582. 


214 


Fernando  Cortes 


Its  face  was  distorted  and  had  terrible  eyes, 
the  body  was  covered  with  gold  and  jewels,  and 
was  wound  about  with  the  coils  of  golden 
serpents;  in  the  right  hand  was  held  a  bow, 
and  in  the  left  a  bundle  of  arrows.  Suspended 
from  the  idol's  neck  was  a  necklace  of  human 
heads  and  hearts  made  of  gold  and  silver  and 
studded  with  precious  stones,  and  by  its  side 
stood  the  figure  of  a  page,  called  Huitziton,  bear- 
ing a  lance  and  shield,  richly  jewellel.  This 
little  statue  of  the  page  was  carried  by  the  priests 
in  battle,  and  was  also  on  certain  occasions 
borne  with  much  pomp  through  the  streets. 
The  honours  of  these  altars  were  shared  by 
Tezcatlipoca, — Shining  Mirror, — who  was  called 
"  the  soul  of  the  world."  He  was  a  god  of  law 
and  severe  judgment,  and  was  much  dreaded. 
His  statue  was  of  black  obsidian,  and  suspended 
from  his  plaited  hair,  which  was  confined  in  a 
golden  net,  wras  an  ear  made  of  gold,  towards 
which  tongues  of  smoke  mounted,  symbolising  as- 
cending prayers.  On  the  summit  of  the  teocalli 
stood  a  great  cylindrical  drum  (tlapanhuehuetl) 
made  of  serpents'  skins,  which  was  beaten  on 
certain  solemn  occasions,  and  as  an  alarum.  It 
was  said  to  give  forth  a  most  sinister  sound 
which  could  be  heard  for  miles,  and  during  the 
siege,  the  Spaniards  had  sad  cause  to  shudder 
at  its  fearsome  roll,  which  so  frequently  an- 
nounced the  sacrifice  of  their  captive  comrades, 
whose  white,  naked  bodies,  were  even  discernible 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  215 


in  the  dusky  procession  which  moved,  in  the 
glare  of  torches  and  the  sacred  fires,  up  the 
terraces  of  the  pyramid  on  its  way  to  the  stone 
of  sacrifice.  The  area  of  the  courtyard,  some 
twelve  hundred  feet  square,  was  paved  with 
flat,  polished  stones,  which  were  so  slippery 
the  Spaniards'  horses  could  hardly  keep  their 
footing.  Four  gates  in  the  surrounding  wall, 
called  coatepantli,  gave  entrance  to  the  court- 
yard, one  facing  each  of  the  cardinal  points, 
and  over  each  gate  there  was  kept  a  store  of 
arms  in  readiness  for  attack  or  defence. 

Sahagun  1  enumerates  seventy-eight  buildings 
inside  the  wall  surrounding  the  courtyard;  they 
comprised  chapels,  cells  for  priests,  fountains 
for  ablutions,  quarters  for  students  and  attend- 
ants, and  a  number  of  smaller  teocalli.  This 
tallies  with  the  descriptions  written  by  Cortes 
and  Bernal  Diaz,  and  makes  it  evident  that  the 
grouping  of  the  buildings  somewhat  resembled 
that  of  the  Kremlin  at  Moscow  or  a  vast  cathe- 
dral close.  In  one  of  the  temples,  the  Spaniards, 
after  painstaking  calculation,  estimated  that  a 
symmetrical  pyramid  of  bones  contained  one 
hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand  human  skulls. 
Amongst  these  temples  there  was  one  dedicated 
to  Quetzalcoatl,  circular  in  form  and  having  its 
entrance  built  in  imitation  of  a  serpent's  open 
mouth.    Bernal  Diaz  says  that  this  was  a  veri- 

1  Hist,  Nueva  Espana,  torn,  i.,  p.  197. 


216  Fernando  Cortes 


table  hell  or  abode  of  demons,  in  which  they 
saw  frightful  idols,  cauldrons  of  water  in  which 
to  prepare  the  flesh  of  the  victims,  which  the 
priests  ate,  and  furnishings  like  those  of  a 
butcher's  stall;  so  that  he  never  called  the 
place  other  than  "  hell." 

Human  sacrifices  and  cannibalism  were  prac- 
tised even  in  honour  of  the  beneficent  deity  of 
the  Toltecs,  whose  mild  teachings,  pure  life,  and 
aversion  to  war  almost  persuade  us  that  he 
may  have  been  a  Christian  bishop.  Nothing 
more  conclusively  proves  that,  in  spite  of  their 
material  prosperity,  their  extended  empire,  and 
a  certain  refinement  in  their  social  life,  the 
Aztecs  occupied  a  much  lower  moral  and  intellec- 
tual level  than  did  their  Toltec  predecessors  in 
Anahuac.  From  the  Toltecs  they  had  received 
the  foundations  of  their  civilisation;  all  that 
was  good  in  their  religion  or  true  in  their  philo- 
sophy, all  that  was  known  amongst  them  of 
science,  they  received  from  that  mysterious  race 
whose  only  records  are  a  few  neglected  and 
almost  unknown  ruins. 

It  was  this  great  temple  that  Cortes  visited 
some  five  months  after  his  arrival  in  the  city. 
The  repeated  discussions  with  Montezuma  on 
religion  had  not  visibly  advanced  his  conversion, 
and  the  patience  of  Don  Fernando  was  ex- 
hausted. His  arrival,  accompanied  by  ten  of 
his  men,  immediately  attracted  a  crowd  of  peo- 
ple, in  addition  to  the  priests  and  servants  of 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  217 


the  temple.  After  glancing  into  the  foul- 
smelling  and  blood-stained  sanctuary,  where  he 
beheld  in  the  gloomy  recesses  the  bulky  forms  of 
bejewelled  idols  such  as  he  had  before  seen  at 
Tlatelolco,  Cortes  drew  back  exclaiming,  "  Oh, 
God,  why  dost  Thou  permit  the  devil  to  be  so 
honoured  in  this  land !  " 

Human  life  was  cheap  in  the  eyes  of  Cortes, 
and  the  cruelties  inflicted  on  the  natives  in  the 
furtherance  of  his  designs  show  that  it  was  not 
the  inhumanity  of  the  sacrifices  that  filled  him 
with  the  most  abhorrence.  It  was  the  sight  of 
idolatry,  of  people  given  over  to  devil  worship, 
that  inflamed  his  Catholic  blood,  and  there 
seems,  on  this  occasion,  to  have  been  no  friar 
Olmedo  at  hand  to  restrain  him,  as  in  Cholula. 
He  first  called  the  priests  together  and  de- 
livered a  pious  exhortation,  explaining  the 
fatherhood  of  God,  the  brotherhood  of  mankind, 
and  other  Christian  beliefs,  conjuring  them  to 
abandon  superstitions  that  imperilled  their  im- 
mortal souls,  to  purify  their  altars  and  dedicate 
them  to  the  true  God  and  the  Saints.  As  the 
priests  defended  their  own,  the  controversy  en- 
raged Cortes  beyond  control,  and,  seizing  an 
instrument,  he  began  smashing  the  idols  right 
and  left,  with  such  magnificent  fury  that  Andres 
de  Tapia  afterwards  declared  that  he  seemed 
like  a  supernatural  being.  Montezuma  was 
notified  and  hastened  to  entreat  him,  for  pru- 
dence' sake,-  to  desist,  as  such  profanation  would 


218  Fernando  Cortes 


provoke  an  upraising  of  the  people.  Cortes, 
however,  was  deaf  to  remonstrance,  and  the  idols 
were  cast  out,  the  temple  washed  and  put  in 
order,  two  altars  being  set  up,  one  to  Our  Lady 
and  the  other  to  St.  Christopher,  with  their 
respective  statues  placed  upon  them.  Mass  was 
thenceforth  said  there,  and  some  of  the  Indians 
came  to  the  ceremony,  as  they  wanted  rain  and, 
their  own  gods  being  overthrown,  they  were 
willing  to  invoke  the  God  of  the  Spaniards. 
Cortes  declared  they  should  have  rain,  and, 
with  the  most  confident  faith,  ordered  prayers 
and  a  procession  to  obtain  this  blessing;  al- 
though the  procession  set  forth  under  a  cloud- 
less sky,  it  returned  after  mass  in  such  a 
downpour  that  the  people  waded  ankle  deep  in 
the  streets.  Malintzin's  religion  was  vin- 
dicated.1 

Although  the  power  of  the  Spaniards  over 
the  city  had  increased,  their  prestige  diminished 
as  they  came  to  be  better  known.  No  longer 
teules  in  the  popular  imagination,  they  de- 
scended to  the  ordinary  level  of  men, — of  a 
different  race,  endowed  with  extraordinarily 
fearless  courage  and  armed  with  invincible 
weapons, — but  after  all  mortal  men,  with  their 
fair  share  of  the  worst  qualities  observable  in 
human  nature.    The  horses  were  seen  to  be 

1  Andres  de  Tapia,  Relation,  pp.  584-6;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap. 
cvii.;  Gomara,  cap.  lxxxvi.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap,  liv.; 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxxvii. 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  219 


animals,  not  even  of  a  ferocious  and  blood- 
thirsty character,  but  well  trained  and  docile 
and,  with  the  fall  of  the  legend  ascribing  the 
semi-divinity  of  Quetzalcoatl  to  the  strangers, 
the  Mexicans  began  to  ask  themselves  by  what 
right  wrere  outrages  on  their  national  gods,  the 
captivity  of  their  sovereign  and  the  thinly  dis- 
guised pillaging,  under  the  name  of  tribute, 
being  tolerated  amongst  them.  The  destruction 
of  the  idols  had  profoundly  affected  the  Emperor, 
whose  manner  towards  the  Spaniards  underwent 
a  change  from  that  time  forth. 

One  day  the  monarch  sent  for  Cortes  and  his 
captains  and,  on  their  arrival,  communicated  to 
them  his  grave  fears  for  their  safety  if  they 
prolonged  their  stay  in  the  city.  The  desecra- 
tion of  the  national  temple  had  profoundly 
stirred  the  resentment  of  his  subjects;  the 
priests  demanded  reparation,  and  interpreted 
oracles  from  their  gods  that  commanded  the 
people  to  rise  against  the  offending  strangers 
and  drive  them  back  into  the  sea  from  whence 
they  had  come.  He  therefore  urged  his  un- 
popular visitors  to  depart  at  once  before  it  was 
too  late,  otherwise  they  would  never  leave  the 
city  alive. 

Cortes  thanked  the  monarch  for  his  warning, 
and  declared  himself  ready  to  go,  but  before 
he  could  do  so,  it  was  necessary  to  build  three 
ships  at  Vera  Cruz  to  transport  his  men,  and 
for  this  purpose  he  asked  for  some  native  work- 


22o  Fernando  Cortes 


men,  carpenters  and  others,  to  assist  his  peo- 
ple to  complete  the  ships  more  quickly.  He 
informed  Montezuma  that  when  the  Spaniards 
left  he  must  also  accompany  them,  in  order 
to  present  himself  before  the  King  of  Spain; 
meanwhile  he  must  restrain  the  excitement 
amongst  his  subjects  until  the  vessels  were 
ready.  Montezuma  agreed  to  furnish  the  work- 
men, who  departed  in  company  with  the  two 
Spanish  carpenters  for  Vera  Cruz.  The  Span- 
ish force  had  been  considerably  reduced  in 
number  by  the  departure  of  Velasquez  de  Leon 
with  more  than  one  hundred  men  to  found  the 
settlement  on  the  Coatzacoalco  River.  Rodrigo 
Rangel  with  a  number  of  others,  was  absent 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Chinantla,  where  he 
and  his  men  were  engaged  in  laying  out  a  plan- 
tation for  the  Spanish  King,  while  several  other 
smaller  parties  were  scouring  the  provinces  to 
collect  tribute  and  search  for  gold  mines.  The 
occasion  doubtless  seemed  opportune  to  Mon- 
tezuma for  the  proposal  he  made,  but  these 
conditions  likewise  explain  the  unusually  pliant 
attitude  of  Cortes  and  the  nature  of  his  reply  It 
was  of  the  first  importance  to  reunite  his  scat- 
tered forces,  and  for  this,  time  must  be  gained. 

At  this  juncture  of  affairs,  the  complexion  of 
everything  was  suddenly  altered  by  an  unex- 
pected event  at  Vera  Cruz.  Eight  days  after 
the  departure  of  the  carpenters  for  the  coast, 
the  arrival  of  several  Spanish  vessels  was  re- 


Montezuma  a  Prisoner  221 


ported  to  Montezuma  by  his  governors  in  those 
provinces.  These  reports,  in  the  form  of 
picture-writings,  accurately  represented  eigh- 
teen ships,  the  number  of  people  the  painters 
had  seen  disembark,  together  with  their 
horses,  arms,  and  other  details.  Montezuma 
showed  the  pictures  to  Cortes,  telling  him  that 
he  would  no  longer  need  to  build  more  ships, 
since  his  men  would  find  place  on  those  of  the 
fleet  recently  arrived.  The  news  spread  through 
the  Spanish  quarters  where  it  was  received  with 
an  outburst  of  joyous  relief;  until  the  tension 
of  the  past  few  days  was  relaxed,  no  one  had 
quite  realised  its  severity.  A  salvo  of  ar- 
tillery was  fired  and  the  men  gave  themselves 
up  to  festivity  and  rejoicing.  Cortes  shared 
the  general  confidence  that  a  relief  expedition 
had  arrived  and  that,  with  such  reinforcements, 
his  conquest  was  now  assured.  When  the  first 
wave  of  enthusiasm  had  subsided,  sober  reflec- 
tion generated  doubts  in  the  commander's  mind ; 
the  fleet  might  after  all  have  been  sent  against 
him  by  Diego  Velasquez  and,  far  from  bringing 
assistance,  it  might  mean  his  destruction.  Sus- 
pense was  intolerable;  the  only  additional  in- 
formation that  reached  him  in  his  perplexity, 
was  a  letter  written  by  one,  Alonso  de  Cervantes, 
whom  he  left  on  the  coast  with  instructions 
to  immediately  report  the  arrival  of  any  ships. 
This  letter  was  brought  by  an  Indian  of  Cuba, 
and  described  the  arrival  of  but  one  vessel,  which 


222  Fernando  Cortes 


the  writer  believed  to  be  that  of  Puertocarrero 
and  Montejo  returning  from  Spain,  adding  that, 
as  soon  as  the  ship  came  into  the  harbour,  he 
would  ascertain  and  report  further.  Cortes 
despatched  four  of  his  men  with  instructions  to 
bring  him  information  as  quickly  as  possible. 
Andres  de  Tapia  was  simultaneously  sent  to 
Vera  Cruz,  and  messengers  left,  bearing  orders 
to  Rangel  in  Chinantla  and  to  Velasquez  de 
Leon  at  Coatzacoalco,  instructing  them  to  re- 
main where  they  were  until  further  notice. 


CHAPTER  IX 


CORTES  DEFEATS  NARVAEZ 

Arrival  of  the  Envoys  in  Spain — Velasquez  and  the  Audi- 
encia — Landing  of  Narvaez — His  Policy — Negotiations 
with  Narvaez — Cortes  Leaves  Mexico — The  Attack 
— After  the  Victory 

LEAVING  Cortes  and  his  companions  a  prey 
to  their  conflicting  hopes  and  fears  in  the 
Aztec  capital,  it  is  necessary,  in  order  to  ex- 
plain the  arrival  of  the  fleet  depicted  by  Mon- 
tezuma's artists,  to  trace  the  development  of 
events  in  Spain,  affecting  Cortes.  As  has  been 
already  stated  in  Chapter  IV.,  the  procura- 
tors, Puertocarrero  and  Montejo,  who  were 
sent  from  Vera  Cruz  with  the  letters  and  the 
presents  to  Charles  V.  found,  on  their  arrival 
in  Spain,  that  Diego  Velasquez  had,  through  his 
agent  Benito  Martin,  already  lodged  a  com- 
plaint against  Cortes  with  the  colonial  authori- 
ties in  Seville,  and  had  succeeded  in  piejudicing 
the  President  of  the  Eoyal  India  Council,  the 
Bishop  of  Burgos,  against  him.  Their  ship  was 
in  consequence  seized,  their  own  effects  and  the 
presents  sent  by  Cortes  to  his  father  were  con- 
fiscated, the  present  to  the  Emperor  being 
forwarded  in  response  to  a  royal  order,  dated 

223 


224  Fernando  Cortes 


December  the  fifth  from  Molino  del  Key,  to 
Louis  Veret,  keeper  of  the  royal  jewels.  The 
Bishop  of  Burgos  wrote  a  most  unfavourable 
report  of  the  conduct  of  Cortes,  representing 
him  as  a  mutineer  and  a  rebel,  and  advising 
that  his  agents  be  punished  forthwith. 

In  this  sorry  plight,  Puertocarrero  and  Mon- 
tejo  sought  out  Martin  Cortes,  the  father  of 
Don  Fernando,  and  all  three  set  out  to  obtain 
an  audience  of  the  Emperor.  They  were  re- 
ceived by  Charles  V.  in  the  month  of  March, 
1520,  at  Tordesillas.  The  rich  and  curious  ob- 
jects they  presented  excited  the  interest  and 
admiration  of  all  who  saw  them,  for  they 
were  the  first  treasures  brought  from  the  New 
World  that  in  any  way  corresponded  to  the 
expectations  of  those  who  believed,  with  Colum- 
bus, that  the  golden  realms  of  Cathay  had  been 
reached  by  sailing  to  the  west.1  Despite  the 
favourable  impression  produced  by  the  magni- 
ficence of  their  offering  and  the  wonderful  tale 
they  had  to  tell  of  the  newly  discovered  country, 
the  Bishop's  letter  had  had  its  effect;  moreover, 
the  Emperor  was  too  preoccupied  with  his  pre- 
parations to  start  for  Germany  to  assume  the 
imperial  crown,  to  give  attention  to  matters 
so  remote.  No  definite  answer  was  returned 
and,  after  following  the  court  to  La  Coruna, 
where  Charles  embarked  on  the  sixteenth  of 
May,  the  two  procurators  found  themselves  left 

1  Las  Casas,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  cxxi. 


CHARLES  V.  — 1519 

FROM  AN  OLD  PAINTING 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  225 


to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos. 
Belying  on  the  powers  conferred  upon  him  by 
a  royal  decree  dated  November  13,  1518,  Diego 
Velasquez  had  meanwhile  decided  to  send  an 
expedition  to  capture  and  bring  back  Cortes  to 
Cuba.  He  named  as  commander  of  the  expedi- 
tion, Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  a  native  of  Valladolid 
who  had  first  settled  in  Jamaica  and  afterwards 
taken  part  in  the  conquest  of  Cuba  as  captain 
of  thirty  bowmen,  under  Velasquez's  command. 
Narvaez  was  at  this  time  about  forty  years  of 
age  and,  though  his  bravery  was  admitted  by 
all  who  knew  him,  his  arrogance,  vanity,  and 
want  of  discretion  were  notorious. 

Narvaez's  fleet  consisted  of  eighteen  vessels 
carrying  nine  hundred  men,  of  whom  eighty  were 
mounted,  the  remainder  being  archers  and  arque- 
busiers.  Besides  the  fighting  men,  there  were 
about  one  thousand  Indians,  twenty  heavy  guns, 
and  an  ample  supply  of  ammunition  and  stores.1 

The  Audiencia  of  San  Domingo,  foreseeing  the 
scandal  that  would  inevitably  result  from  such 
an  expedition  against  Cortes,  sent  Lucas  Vas- 
quez  de  Ayllon  to  Cuba,  with  full  powers  to 
stop  the  preparations  and  prohibit  the  sailing. 
Ayllon  followed  Diego  Velasquez  to  the  port  of 
Trinidad  where  he  had  gone,  and  there  learned 
that  Narvaez  was  at  Xagua,  some  fourteen 
leagues  distant,  ready  to  join  the  others  of  the 
fleet  who  were  at  Guaniguanico.    He  also  dis- 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cix. 
15 


226  Fernando  Cortes 


covered  that  most  of  the  able-bodied  men  in  the 
colony  had  enlisted  and  that  the  island  would  be 
left  with  few  defenders  in  case  of  trouble  with 
the  natives.  He  went,  therefore,  to  Xagua  and 
notified  Narvaez  not  to  sail,  but  to  go  to  Guani- 
guanico,  where  he  intended  to  dissuade  the 
governor  from  the  undertaking.  Though  Velas- 
quez appeared  at  first  to  yield,  he  ended  by 
repudiating  the  authority  of  the  Audiencia, 
though  he  consented  to  give  pacific  instructions 
to  Narvaez  as  to  his  manner  of  dealing  with 
Cortes.  Ayllon  decided  at  the  last  moment  to 
go  himself  with  the  armada  in  order,  if  possible, 
to  prevent  troubles  between  the  rival  com- 
manders. Narvaez,  showed  himself  heedless  of 
the  notary's  protests  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and 
finally  rid  himself  of  his  importunities  by  send- 
ing him  back  to  Cuba  on  one  ship,  and  his 
secretary  and  alguacil  on  another.  It  was 
some  three  months  after  his  departure  on  his 
mission  that  Ayllon  landed  at  San  Nicolas  in 
San  Domingo,  and  made  his  way,  as  best  he 
could,  on  foot  across  the  island  to  report  his 
ill  success  to  the  magistrates.  This  flouting  of 
the  Audiencia  cost  Diego  Velasquez  any  triumph 
he  might  otherwise  have  hoped  to  gain  over 
Cortes,  and  Narvaez's  summary  violence  to- 
wards a  representative  of  the  government  bears 
out  Bernal  Diaz's  estimate  of  his  character.1 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  Conquista  de  Mexico,  torn,  iv.,  cap. 
vi.-vii. 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  227 

Narvaez's  first  act  was  to  land  his  people, 
horses,  and  artillery,  after  which  he  proceeded 
to  the  foundation  of  a  settlement  for  which  he 
named  the  usual  municipal  authorities  who,  in 
this  case,  were  chiefly  relatives  of  his  patron, 
Diego  Velasquez.  The  news  of  the  arrival  of 
this  new  detachment  of  white  men  spread  with 
great  rapidity  throughout  the  land,  and  several 
Spaniards,  who  were  scattered  about  in  the  coast 
provinces,  visited  the  new  settlement.  From 
these  men,  Narvaez  procured  full  information 
concerning  the  movements  of  Cortes  and  the 
state  of  affairs  at  that  moment.  These  Spanish 
informers  wrere  stragglers  and  deserters  from 
the  force  of  Cortes,  and  their  descriptions  of  his 
achievements,  dictated  as  they  were  by  personal 
spite,  were  very  acceptable  to  Narvaez.  More- 
over, the  informants  were  able  to  serve  him 
as  interpreters  and  were  hence  made  cordially 
welcome  to  his  camp. 

As  was  related  in  the  previous  chapter,  Mon- 
tezuma was  informed  of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet 
long  before  Cortes,  and  had  even  entered  into 
amicable  relations  with  the  newcomers  by 
means  of  his  envoys  wThom  he  sent  to  salute 
Narvaez  in  his  name.  The  envoys  carried  the 
usual  presents,  and  orders  were  given  to  the 
local  authorities  to  provide  generously  for 
the  wants  of  the  new  settlement.  Narvaez  told 
the  envoys  that  Cortes  was  a  rebel  whom  he  had 
been  sent  to  apprehend  and  convey  to  Cuba, 


228  Fernando  Cortes 


and  that  in  the  event  of  the  latter  not  yielding 
to  his  authority,  he  would  kill  him  and  all  of 
his  men  who  resisted.  He  promised  Montezuma 
his  liberty  and  sent  him  some  presents  of  Span- 
ish merchandise.  Then  it  was  that  Montezuma 
showed  Cortes  his  picture-writing,  depicting 
the  arrival  of  the  fleet.  While  Cortes  was 
ignorant  concerning  these  events,  Narvaez  pos- 
sessed the  advantage  of  being  fully  informed 
concerning  him  and  his  affairs.  He  notified 
Juan  Velasquez  de  Leon  at  Coatzacoalco  of  his 
arrival,  inviting  him  to  join  him  with  all  his 
force.  He  had  a  dual  claim  on  Velasquez's  ad- 
hesion to  his  party,  first  because  of  the  authori- 
sation he  bore  from  the  governor  of  Cuba, 
and  second  because  they  were  brothers-in-law. 
Velasquez  was  heedless  of  both,  however,  and 
started  at  once  to  report  what  was  happening 
to  Cortes.  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  who  was  in 
command  at  Vera  Cruz,  proved  equally  loyal 
to  his  commander  and  in  reply  to  the  address 
of  Juan  de  Guevara,  a  priest  whom  Narvaez 
had  sent  with  two  others  to  summon  him  to 
submit  to  his  authority  as  the  legal  representa- 
tive of  the  governor  of  Cuba,  he  answered : 

Sir  priest,  you  choose  your  words  badly,  speak- 
ing of  traitors;  all  of  us  here  are  better  servants 
of  His  Majesty  than  are  Diego  Velasquez  and  this 
man,  your  captain ;  as  you  are  a  priest,  I  do  not 
punish  you  as  you  deserve.  Go  in  peace  to  Mexico 
where  you  will  find  Cortes,  who  is  the  captain- 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  229 


general  and  chief  justice  of  this  New  Spain,  and 
who  will  answer  you:  there  is  nothing  more  to  be 
said  here.1 

The  priest  persisted  in  his  mission  and  ordered 
the  notary  to  read  the  full  powers  and  require- 
ments from  Diego  Velasquez.  As  Sandoval 
interrupted,  refusing  to  listen,  the  dispute  waxed 
violent,  ending  in  Sandoval  seizing  the  three 
messengers,  whom  he  bound  fast  and  packed  on 
the  backs  of  Indian  porters  with  orders  to  carry 
them  straight  to  his  commander  in  Mexico. 

After  the  forcible  deportation  of  the  licen- 
tiate Ayllon  to  Cuba,  Narvaez  removed  his 
camp  from  the  unhealthy  seacoast  to  Cempoalla 
and  established  his  own  quarters  in  the  great 
temple,  where  Cortes  had  erected  the  Christian 
altar.  Accustomed  to  ride  roughshod  over  the 
timid  natives  of  Cuba,  he  failed  to  realise  that 
similar  conduct  would  not  succeed  with  the 
war-like  Totonacs.  All  hopes  of  winning  the 
friendship  of  the  "  fat  cacique  "  were  jeopardised 
by  the  arrogance  of  the  commander  and  the 
wild  licence  of  his  men.  A  new  pest  was  intro- 
duced amongst  the  Indians,  by  one  of  Narvaez's 
negro  slaves  who  fell  ill  of  smallpox,  a  disease 
hitherto  unknown  in  America,  and  which  spread 
rapidly  throughout  Mexico,  killing  and  disfig- 
uring thousands  of  the  natives. 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxi. ;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Conquista  de 
Mexico,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  vii. 


230  Fernando  Cortes 


Such,  therefore,  was  the  situation  that  con- 
fronted Cortes,  though  at  the  time  he  was  igno- 
rant of  the  events  we  have  just  described.  No 
further  news  came  to  supplement  the  bare  facts 
communicated  to  him  by  Montezuma,  until  a  fort- 
night after  the  despatch  of  his  first  messengers, 
for  whose  return  he  was  impatiently  waiting, 
when  there  arrived  certain  Mexicans  from  the 
coast,  bringing  Montezuma  another  picture-writ- 
ing. These  Indians  informed  Cortes  that  his 
messengers  had  not  returned  because  they  were 
forcibly  detained  in  the  camp  of  the  newly  ar- 
rived captain.  This  news  confirmed  his  worst 
apprehensions  concerning  the  expedition  which, 
it  clearly  seemed,  had  come  with  hostile  intent. 
He  wrote  a  letter  to  its  unknown  commander,  in 
which  he  related  all  that  had  happened  since  his 
own  arrival  in  Mexico  and  asked  to  know  from 
whence  the  fleet  came,  who  was  its  captain, 
and  with  what  intention  it  had  been  sent.  If 
the  newcomers  were  Spaniards,  he  offered  them 
'any  assistance  they  might  require,  but  if  they 
were  not  subjects  of  the  King,  he  admonished 
them  to  at  once  quit  the  country  which  he  held 
in  the  King's  name,  otherwise  he  would  march 
against  them  with  his  full  force  of  Spaniards  and 
Indians,  as  against  invaders  of  His  Majesty's 
realm.  The  municipal  authorities  of  Vera  Cruz 
who  were  with  him,  wrote  likewise  to  Sandoval, 
and  both  letters  were  given  to  Fray  Bartolome 
de  Olmedo,  whose  clerical  character  would  com- 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  231 


mand  respect  and  who  had  already  shown  him- 
self a  man  of  singular  prudence  and  ability  in 
conducting  negotiations. 

Fray  Bartolome  had  been  gone  five  days, 
when  Guevara  and  his  two  companions,  who 
had  been  carried  in  hamacas,  day  and  night  with- 
out rest  from  Vera  Cruz,  arrived  at  the  gates 
of  Mexico.  Sandoval's  letter  was  brought  by 
the  same  carriers  and  Cortes  was  at  last  in 
possession  of  full  information  concerning  the 
mysterious  fleet.  The  three  prisoners  had  been 
set  down  outside  the  city,  while  the  messengers 
went  ahead  to  deliver  Sandoval's  letter  and  re- 
ceive instructions  from  Cortes.  With  his  charac- 
teristic diplomacy,  Cortes  ordered  the  prisoners 
to  be  released ;  he  sent  them  horses  so  that  they 
might  enter  the  city  in  a  dignified  manner,  and 
on  their  arrival,  they  were  received  with  effusion 
and  invited  to  a  banquet  in  the  Spanish  quarters. 
Cortes  excused  the  vivacity  of  Sandoval  and, 
by  the  exercise  of  those  blandishments  of  which 
he  was  master,  he  succeeded  in  winning  the 
newcomers  over  to  his  service.  Not  only  did 
they  give  him  all  the  information  in  their  power, 
but  they  also  delivered  to  him  more  than  one 
hundred  letters  addressed  by  Diego  Velasquez  to 
the  settlers  at  Vera  Cruz,  offering  recompense 
and  favour  to  all  who  would  desert  Cortes  and 
threatening  punishment  for  all  who  resisted 
Narvaez.1 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxi.;  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  270. 


232  Fernando  Cortes 


So  completely  had  Cortes  secured  the  alle- 
giance of  Narvaez's  three  men,  that  he  sent  them 
back  to  Cempoalla  bearing  a  letter  from  him- 
self to  their  chief.  The  tone  of  this  missive 
was  concilatory;  he  was  delighted  and  relieved 
to  learn  that  it  was  his  old  friend  and  neigh- 
bour in  Cuba  who  had  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz, 
and  reproached  him  for  not  announcing  his 
coming.  After  this  amiable  preamble,  the  letter 
went  on  to  point  out  that,  if  Xarvaez  brought 
any  authorisation  from  the  King  to  found  a 
settlement  where  one  had  already  been  estab- 
lished in  the  royal  name,  he  should  present  his 
papers  to  the  municipality  of  Vera  Cruz  and 
to  Cortes,  by  whom  their  provisions  would  be 
scrupulously  respected;  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  leave  the  city  of  Mexico,  without  risking 
the  loss  of  all  the  treasure  he  had  there  col- 
lected for  the  Crown,  otherwise  he  would  come 
in  person  to  welcome  his  old  friend.  Guevara 
and  his  companions  departed  with  this  letter 
and,  hardly  had  they  left  the  city  when  Andres 
de  Tapia,  who  had  accomplished  the  journey 
from  Vera  Cruz  in  the  incredibly  short  space 
of  three  and  a  half  days,  arrived  with  news  of 
fresh  troubles  in  that  settlement.  The  Indians, 
seeing  the  dissensions  between  the  rival  colo- 
nists, had  rebelled,  refusing  any  longer  to  work 
on  the  fortifications  of  Vera  Cruz  or  to  supply 
provisions  for  the  inhabitants.  Difficulties 
were  multiplying  on  all  sides  and  Sandoval  had 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  233 


retreated  with  his  people  to  the  mountains,  as 
the  only  means  to  avoid  open  hostilities  with 
Narvaez. 

Cortes  promptly  took  the  hazardous  decision 
to  march  forthwith  to  the  centre  of  disaffection 
and  to  restore  order  by  whatever  means  might 
prove  necessary,  amicably  if  possible,  and  if 
not,  by  force.  Pedro  de  Alvarado  was  left  in 
command  of  eighty  men  in  Mexico  to  guard  the 
Spanish  quarters  and  the  treasures;  these  men 
were  made  up,  as  far  as  possible,  of  the  former 
partisans  of  Diego  Velasquez  or  those  on 
whom  Cortes  felt  he  could  least  rely,  and  of 
such  others  as  were  incapable  of  rapid  march- 
ing. Juan  Diaz  remained  as  chaplain  to  the 
garrison. 

Confused,  indeed,  must  have  been  the  mind 
of  Montezuma  by  these  perplexing  events,  nor 
did  the  explanations  offered  by  Cortes  throw 
much  light  on  the  situation.  In  taking  leave 
of  the  captive  monarch,  Cortes  charged  him  to 
protect  and  provide  for  the  garrison  left  in 
the  city,  and  to  guard  their  property.  He  must 
also  see  that  the  Christian  altars  wTere  respected 
and  that  fresh  flowers  were  provided  for  their 
adornment,  and  the  candles  kept  lighted  day 
and  night.1  Montezuma  offered  to  furnish  a 
large  force  of  warriors  to  assist  in  conquering 
the  newcomers  if  they  were  enemies  of  his 
friend  Malintzin,  but  this  aid  was  refused,  Cortes 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  vii. 


234  Fernando  Cortes 


explaining  that  it  was  unnecessary,  as  he  would 
settle  the  difficulty  himself  and  speedily  return. 
Alvarado's  chief  care  must  be  to  guard  Monte- 
zuma and  not  allow  him  to  escape.  The  soldiers 
were  made  to  swear  fidelity  and  obedience  to 
the  temporary  commander,  and  were  strictly 
enjoined  to  keep  within  their  quarters  and  to 
refrain  from  provoking  in  any  way  the  citizens 
of  Mexico.  All  possible  precautions  having  been 
taken  and  measures  for  all  foreseeable  emergen- 
cies provided,  Cortes  marched  out  of  the  capi- 
tal by  the  causeway  leading  to  Iztapalapan,  at 
the  head  of  eighty  foot-soldiers  and  twelve 
horsemen  in  the  early  part  of  May,  1520. 

At  Cholula,  this  small  force  was  increased  by 
the  men  under  Juan  Velasquez  and  Eodrigo 
Rangel  who  were  there  awaiting  its  arrival,  care 
being  exercised  to  choose  those  whose  fidelity  was 
assured,  while  the  others,  together  with  some  who 
were  ill,  were  sent  back  to  reinforce  Alvarado's 
scanty  garrison  in  Mexico.  To  still  further  win 
the  loyalty  of  his  company,  Cortes  distributed 
two  loads  of  treasure  collected  by  Juan  Velas- 
quez in  Coatzacoalco,  giving  each  man  one  or 
two  collars  of  gold.  An  application  to  the  re- 
public of  Tlascala  for  ten  thousand  auxiliaries 
was  met  by  a  refusal,  the  rulers  of  that  state 
professing  their  willingness  to  furnish  any  num- 
ber required  to  fight  against  Mexicans,  but  none 
at  all  to  combat  Spaniards.1 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  vii. 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  235 

Leaving  Cholula,  the  Spanish  force  encount- 
ered Fray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo  some  fifteen 
leagues  distant  from  the  city.  The  friar  de- 
livered Narvaez's  answer  to  the  letter  he  had 
carried  to  Cempoalla.  The  tone  of  this  com- 
munication was  curt  enough,  being,  in  fact, 
hardly  more  than  a  peremptory  summons  to 
Cortes  to  submit  without  delay  to  the  author- 
ity of  Diego  Velasquez.  More  significant  even 
than  this  haughty  letter,  was  the  information 
the  friar  brought  concerning  the  communica- 
tions that  had  passed  between  Narvaez  and 
Montezuma.  At  a  place  called  Quechola,  a 
notary,  Alonso  de  Mata,  and  four  Spaniards 
of  Narvaez's  company  met  the  advancing  force 
and,  after  saluting  Cortes,  essayed  to  read 
some  legal  documents  calling  upon  him  to  sub- 
mit himself  to  the  lawful  jurisdiction  of  the 
governor  of  Cuba;  but  as  Mata  was  unable  to 
produce  any  proof  of  his  notarial  character,  all 
three  were  promptly  put  in  the  stocks  and  left 
to  reflect  on  their  temerity  during  the  rest  of 
the  day.  In  the  afternoon,  the  three  men  were 
released,  treated  with  kindness,  and  presented 
with  a  number  of  valuable  gifts.  They  were 
much  impressed  by  the  wealth  of  golden  chains 
and  other  rich  ornaments  worn  by  even  the  foot- 
soldiers  of  the  troops.  From  Ahuilizapan,  the 
present  Orizaba,  where  he  was  detained  two 
days  by  heavy  rains,  Cortes  replied  to  the  legal 
notifications  with  which  Narvaez  had  sought 


236  Fernando  Cortes 


to  serve  him,  by  sending  an  equally  formal  "  re- 
quirement "  to  that  commander,  demanding  his 
instant  submission,  under  pain  of  severe  penal- 
ties. This  parrying  with  legal  documents  was 
but  the  skirmish,  preliminary  to  the  real  engage- 
ment that  seemed  inevitable. 

The  advantage  always  remained  with  Cortes, 
whose  gallant  manners  and  lavish  generosity 
contrasted  most  favourably  with  the  arrogance 
and  selfishness  of  Narvaez.  The  several  bodies 
of  messengers  who  approached  the  former  to  de- 
liver their  captain's  fulminations,  were  speedily 
seduced,  flattered,  corrupted  with  rich  presents 
and  either  openly  espoused  his  cause,  or  re- 
turned to  Cempoalla  disaffected  towards  their 
less  genial  leader.  Fray  Bartolome  used  gold 
with  wise  liberality  in  the  enemy's  camp,  where 
he  adroitly  coaxed  into  existence  a  strong  feeling 
of  sympathy  for  Cortes,  that  was  as  much  the 
fruit  of  his  eloquent  tongue  as  of  his  open  hand. 
Among  those  whom  Narvaez  at  this  time  en- 
trusted with  delivering  messages  and  conducting 
negotiations  was  Andres  de  Duero,  sometime 
secretary  to  Diego  Velasquez  and  to  whose  in- 
fluence Cortes  largely  owed  his  appointment  to 
the  command  of  the  expedition  to  Mexico.  The 
two  met  as  old  friends  and,  after  the  first  cordial 
greeting,  Duero  produced  a  letter  from  his  chief 
that  was  couched  in  more  moderate  language 
than  his  earlier  communications.  While  abat- 
ing nothing  of  his  demands,  it  contained  impor- 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  237 

tant  concessions.  Narvaez  offered  to  give  Cortes 
vessels  to  carry  himself  and  his  companions, 
with  all  their  treasure,  safely  out  of  the  country, 
a  proposition  that  many  of  the  officers  and 
men  would  have  doubtless  embraced  readily 
enough  had  they  ever  heard  of  it.  The  bribe 
had  no  attraction  for  Don  Fernando,  who  an- 
swered that  he  would  only  yield  to  the  intruder 
if  he  could  produce  a  royal  commission,  for  he 
held  the  country  for  the  King,  by  virtue  of  the 
authority  confirmed  upon  him  by  the  muni- 
cipality of  Vera  Cruz,  and  he  recognised  no 
jurisdiction  short  of  the  Crown.  This  legal 
fiction  seems  almost  laughable  when  we  recall 
the  circumstances  of  the  creation  of  the  muni- 
cipal authorities  of  Vera  Cruz,  but,  slender  as 
was  the  foundation  it  offered,  it  was  sufficient 
for  the  purpose  of  Cortes  and  on  it  he  based 
his  immense  pretensions. 

Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  had  meanwhile  joined 
his  commander,  bringing  a  reinforcement  of 
sixty  men  from  the  garrison  at  Vera  Cruz,  and 
a  soldier,  Tovilla  by  name,  who  had  been  sent 
to  Chinantla  to  procure  a  supply  of  long  lances 
for  which  the  natives  of  that  province  were 
noted,  had  also  come  into  camp,  accompanied 
by  two  hundred  Indians  and  bringing  three 
hundred  copper-tipped  spears  to  be  used  against 
Narvaez's  numerous  cavalry. 

Negotiations  had  failed  and  there  only  re- 
mained the  appeal  to  arms.    Cortes  marched  to 


238  Fernando  Cortes 


within  one  league  from  Cempoalla  and  there 
halted  his  troops  to  rest  before  fording  the  river. 
He  did  not  dignify  the  operations  against  Nar- 
vaez with  the  adjective  military;  according  to 
his  view,  he  as  chief  justice  of  Vera  Cruz  was 
serving  a  writ  on  a  disturber  of  the  public  peace 
who  was  in  rebellion  against  the  properly  consti- 
tuted authorities  of  a  Spanish  colony.  The  on- 
coming night  promised  to  be  both  dark  and 
stormy,  and  he  decided  to  strike  his  enemy 
under  these  favourable  conditions. 

He  first  addressed  his  men,  rehearsing  their 
great  services  to  their  king  and  country,  unique, 
indeed,  in  history,  and  deserving  of  the  highest 
honours  and  rewards.  The  governor  of  Cuba, 
however,  sought  in  his  own  petty,  selfish  interest 
to  dishonour  them,  calling  them  traitors,  muti- 
neers, and  pirates.  He  had  sent  his  agent, 
Narvaez,  to  capture  them  and  take  them  back 
to  Cuba  where  the  infamy  of  the  scaffold 
awaited  them,  while  the  fruits  of  their  hard- 
won  victories  would  redound  to  the  profit  and 
glory  of  their  executioner.  This  discourse  went 
home  to  every  man  in  the  troop  and  fired  the 
most  sluggish  with  the  determination  to  frustrate 
Narvaez.  Cortes  then  assigned  the  captains 
their  places,  and  outlined  the  plan  of  attack. 
Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  as  alguacil  mayor  of  Vera 
Cruz,  was  charged  with  the  duty  of  arresting 
Narvaez.  His  instructions  were  precise,  and 
authorised  him  in  case  of  resistance,  to  kill  the 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  239 


invader,  for  by  so  doing  he  would  serve  God  and 
the  King.1  Eighty  men  were  told  off  to  assist 
him  in  his  hazardous  undertaking.  A  premium 
of  three  thousand  pesos  was  to  be  given  to  whom- 
ever first  laid  his  hands  on  Narvaez,  two  thou- 
sand to  the  second,  and  one  thousand  to  the 
third. 

Cortes  had  received  information  concerning 
the  disposition  of  the  quarters  of  Narvaez,  the 
measures  for  defence  and  other  details,  from  one 
Galleguillo  who  had  arrived  that  evening  direct 
from  Cempoalla,  either  as  a  deserter  or  sent  as 
an  informer  by  Andres  de  Duero.  Crossing  the 
swollen  stream  with  infinite  danger  and  difficulty 
owing  to  the  swift  current  and  the  dense  black- 
ness of  the  night,  and  without  falling  in  with  the 
forty  horsemen  who  were  supposed  to  be  on  the 
alert  for  his  coming,  Cortes  surprised  two  scouts, 
one  of  whom  he  captured  while  the  other  ran  off 
towards  Cempoalla  to  give  the  alarm.  Pushing 
on  in  great  haste  to  reach  the  town  before  the 
garrison  could  arm  in  response  to  the  scout's 
alarm,  these  extraordinary  men  still  found 
time  to  dismount  and  recite  a  prayer  while 
Fray  Bartolome  caused  them  to  repeat  in 
unison  the  form  of  general  confession,  after 
which  he  pronounced  the  absolution.  The 
horses  and  the  scanty  baggage  were  left  in 
charge  of  Marina  and  a  page,  while  the  men 
rushed  forward  to  the  assault  of  the  teocalli 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxxii.    Relacion  de  Andres  de  Tapia. 


240  Fernando  Cortes 


where  Narvaez  lodged.  The  sentinels  fled,  yell- 
ing at  the  top  of  their  lungs  and  closely  fol- 
lowed by  the  oncoming  assailants.  Each  of 
the  captains  flew  to  his  appointed  task;  Pizarro 
and  his  men  seized  the  artillery,  others  cut 
the  saddle-girths  of  the  cavalry,  Sandoval  got 
possession  of  several  small  guns  placed  at  the 
base  of  the  teocalli,  while  Cortes  commanded 
the  rear-guard  and  saw  that  those  of  Narvaez's 
men  wiio  w^ere  captured,  were  speedily  dis- 
armed. Sandoval,  with  his  eighty  soldiers, 
stormed  up  the  steps  of  the  teocalli  w7here  Nar- 
vaez and  a  few  of  his  officers  made  a  stubborn 
defence,  in  the  course  of  which,  the  latter  lost 
one  of  his  eyes.  A  soldier  threw  a  burning 
torch  into  the  roof  of  thatch  and  in  a  moment 
the  top  of  the  teocalli  was  in  a  blaze.  The 
struggle  was  quickly  over;  Pedro  Farfan  won 
the  three  thousand  pesos,  for  he  was  the 
first  to  seize  Narvaez,  though  it  is  nowhere 
recorded  that  he  ever  received  the  premium. 
Shouts  of  victory  were  heard  from  the  teo- 
calli, mingled  with  cheers  for  the  King  and  for 
Cortes. 

Some  twelve  of  Narvaez's  men  had  fallen  in 
the  short  engagement  and  most  of  the  survivors, 
including  the  forty  horsemen  who  had  not 
taken  part  in  the  fray,  found  little  difficulty 
in  swearing  allegiance  to  the  victor  and  enrolling 
themselves  under  his  banner. 

This  victory   of  the  twenty-ninth  of  May 


Cortes  Defeats  Narvaez  241 


marked  an  epoch  in  the  fortunes  of  Cortes, 
working  as  complete  a  change  in  his  situation 
as  had  the  creation  of  the  municipality  of  Vera 
Cruz  and  his  own  election  by  that  body  as 
captain-general  and  chief  justice  of  New  Spain. 

He  had  staked  everything  on  this  venture, 
and  again  Fortune  was  kind  to  her  favourite 
son.  In  receiving  the  officers  of  Narvaez, 
Cortes  assumed  an  unaccustomed  state,  while 
the  soldiers,  ship-captains,  and  pilots  were  per- 
mitted to  approach  and  kiss  his  hand.  When 
Narvaez  was  brought  before  him,  manacled,  he 
said  with  bitterness,  "  You  have  much  reason, 
Senor  Cortes,  to  thank  Fortune  for  having  given 
you  such  an  easy  victory  and  placed  me  in  your 
power."  "  The  least  important  deed  that  I  have 
accomplished  in  this  country,  was  to  capture 
you,"  replied  Cortes  1  with  ready  sarcasm. 

He  had  worsted  Narvaez  at  every  point,  for 
while  the  latter  failed  either  to  win  friends 
amongst  the  Spaniards  or  Indians  in  Mexico, 
or  even  to  hold  the  allegiance  of  his  own  men, 
Cortes  attached  new  supporters  from  among 
his  opponent's  followers,  and  had  held  his  own 
men,  even  when  his  fortunes  looked  blackest. 
He  carried  on  his  negotiations  with  the  skill  of 
an  accomplished  ambassador  and  drafted  his 
letters  to  Narvaez  in  language  worthy  of  a  prime 
minister.  While  engaged  in  this  correspondence, 
the  negative  result  of  which  he  foresaw,  he 

1  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  lib.  xxxiii.,  cap.  xlvii. 

16 


242  Fernando  Cortes 


descended  with  bewildering  rapidity  from  Mexico 
to  the  coast  and,  with  the  precision  of  a  prac- 
tised strategist,  he  struck  his  enemy  one  swift 
blow  that  revolutionised  their  positions  and  left 
him  master  of  a  new  fleet,  a  new  army,  and  of 
vast  stores  of  munitions  of  war,  with  which 
to  return  and  complete  his  suspended  conquest. 


CHAPTER  X 


REVOLT  OF  MEXICO 


Ravages  of  Smallpox — News  of  the  Revolt — Feast  of 
Toxcatl — AlvaratiVs  Folly — Cortes  Returns  to  Mex- 
ico— Release  of  Cuitlahuatzin — Intervention  of  Monte- 
zuma— Hard  Fighting — Decision  to  Retreat — Death  of 
Montezuma. 

HTHE  Indians  of  Cempoalla  were  the  chief 


1  sufferers  from  the  hostilities  carried  on  in 
their  province ;  the  "  fat  cacique  "  was  wounded 
during  the  assault  on  the  teocalli,  a  great  part 
of  the  town  was  destroyed,  and  the  people  were 
dying  in  immense  numbers  from  the  virulent 
smallpox  that  raged  unchecked,  for  want  of 
remedies  or  knowledge  of  how  to  handle  the 
dread  disease.  Pestilence  seemed  imminent,  and 
there  was  a  dearth  of  men  to  bring  provisions 
into  the  Spanish  camp,  and  even  of  women  to 
grind  the  maize  and  make  the  bread.  The 
cacique  sent  a  painted  representation  of  the 
triumph  of  Cortes  to  Montezuma,  and  a  Span- 
iard was  also  despatched  to  inform  Pedro  de 
Alvarado  of  the  victory. 

With  such  an  increase  in  the  number  of  his 
force,  Cortes  felt  that  the  conquest  of*  the  Mexi- 
can empire  was  assured;  he  sent  expeditions  to 
Panuco  to  contest  Francisco  de  Garay's  occu- 


244  Fernando  Cortes 


pation  of  that  province,  two  hundred  men  were 
left  under  command  of  Diego  de  Ordaz  to  con- 
tinue the  interrupted  work  of  making  a  settle- 
ment at  Coatzacoalco,  and  for  the  support  of  both 
of  these  expeditions  ships  were  sent  along  the 
coast,  one  of  which  had  orders  to  go  first  to 
Jamaica  and  bring  a  supply  of  horses,  pigs, 
sheep,  and  other  live-stock  for  the  colonists, 
Never  had  the  present  seemed  more  serene  or 
the  future  more  assured  than  when  the  last  dis- 
pute over  the  distribution  of  the  horses,  arms, 
and  other  property  of  Narvaez,  had  been  finally 
settled. 

This  promising  state  of  affairs  was  suddenly 
dissipated  by  the  arrival  of  two  Tlascalans  who 
brought  the  verbal  information  that  the  Mexi- 
cans had  risen  and  were  besieging  Alvarado's 
garrison  in  the  Spanish  quarters.  Closely 
following  them,  came  two  others  with  letters 
from  Alvarado  confirming  the  alarming  report, 
and  imploring  Cortes,  in  God's  name  to  hasten 
to  his  relief.  The  Spanish  messenger  whom 
Cortes  had  sent  to  Alvarado  also  returned, 
bringing  further  details  of  the  disaster.  Seven 
Spaniards  had  already  been  killed,  many  were 
disabled  by  wounds,  their  quarters  were  in  flames 
and,  as  no  provisions  were  furnished,  the  gar- 
rison would  be  starved  out  if  not  otherwise 
destroyed.  The  two  brigantines  built  by  Cortes, 
ostensibly  to  amuse  Montezuma,  had  been  burned 
and  the  plight  of  the  Spaniards  was  desperate. 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


245 


Simultaneously  four  messengers  arrived  from 
Montezuma  to  complain  that  the  Spanish  cap- 
tain had  ordered  an  unprovoked  attack  upon 
the  Mexicans  during  a  religious  festival,  and 
that  the  latter  had  merely  defended  themselves 
as  best  they  could. 

The  feast  of  Toxcatl  fell  upon  the  tenth  of  May, 
and  only  the  highest  and  the  noblest,  adorned 
with  their  richest  ornaments,  but  unarmed,  took 
part  in  the  ceremonial  dance.  Cortes  had  con- 
sented, before  he  left  Mexico,  to  the  usual  cele- 
bration, with  the  proviso  that  there  should  be  no 
human  sacrifices,  though  very  likely  the  priests 
reserved  their  intention  to  perform  that  part  of 
the  rites  privately.  The  first  contrariety  arose 
from  Alvarado's  refusal  to  allow  the  statue  of 
Huitzilopochtli  to  be  restored  to  its  former  place, 
from  which  it  had  been  ejected  to  make  room 
for  the  Christian  altars.  The  Tlascalans  next 
excited  his  suspicions  by  saying  that  the  fes- 
tival was  merely  a  pretext  to  collect  a  large 
multitude  in  the  city,  the  real  object  being  to 
fall  upon  the  diminished  garrison  and  exter- 
minate it.  On  the  day  of  the  feast,  Alvarado  and 
others  saw  certain  idols,  decked  out  for  the 
procession,  standing  in  the  court  of  the  temple 
and  also  three  youths  clad  in  new  robes,  and 
their  heads  shaven,  which  indicated  that  they 
were  destined  for  sacrifice.  He  seized  the  in- 
tended victims,  and,  by  putting  them  to  worse 
tortures  than  those  of  the  sacrificial  stone  (un- 


246  Fernando  Cortes 


der  which  one  of  them  died)  he  obtained  such 
testimony  as  he  wanted  from  the  other  two,  to 
prove  that  a  general  revolt  was  planned. 

What  these  poor  creatures,  who  were  mere 
lads,  could  be  supposed  to  know  of  such  con- 
spiracies does  not  appear,  but  Alvarado  was 
satisfied,  and,  arming  his  men,  he  left  some  in 
charge  of  Montezuma,  -  with  orders  to  kill  the 
nobles  who  were  with  him,  while  he  repaired  with 
the  others  to  the  great  teocalli,  where  six  hundred 
nobles  and  priests  were  dancing,  while  some  three 
thousand  other  persons  assisted  as  spectators. 
The  appearance  of  the  Spaniards  caused  no 
interruption,  but,  at  a  given  signal,  they  drew 
their  weapons  and  fell  upon  the  defenceless 
people,  slaughtering  them  without  quarter;  the 
doors  were  guarded,  but  some  few  escaped,  who 
gave  the  alarm  and  aroused  the  city.  Meanwhile 
the  nobles  of  the  court  had  been  slain,  and  the 
Spaniards  had  fortified  themselves  inside  their 
quarters. 

The  exact  place  where  the  dance  was  per- 
formed is  uncertain,  as  neither  Cortes  nor 
Bernal  Diaz  mentions  it.  Acosta,  contradicting 
most  of  the  early  writers,  argues  that  it  must 
have  been  the  court  of  the  palace  where  Monte- 
zuma was  kept.  It  nowhere  appears,  however, 
that  Montezuma  was  present  and,  as  the  dance 
was  a  religious  rite,  the  temple  court  would  seem 
more  indicated  for  its  celebration.  Alvarado, 
who  was  wounded  on  the  head  by  a  stone,  ap- 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


247 


peared  before  Montezuma  crying :  "  See  what 
your  subjects  have  done/'  but  the  Emperor  an- 
swered that  had  he  not  begun  the  disturbance, 
the  Mexicans  would  have  remained  peaceable, 
adding,  "  You  have  undone  yourself  and  me." 
Nor  did  Alvarado's  explanations  satisfy  Cortes, 
who  openly  showed  his  anger  upon  his  arrival. 

Indeed,  his  conduct  seems  destitute  of  any 
reasonable  excuse,  and  his  efforts  to  exculpate 
himself  at  his  trial  were  weak  and  unconvin- 
cing; at  best,  he  had  but  the  word  of  a  captive, 
an  intended  victim,  and  that  wrung  from  him 
under  torture.  Replying  to  Article  IV.  of  the 
accusations  against  him,  he  alleged  first,  that 
it  was  common  report  in  the  city  that,  during 
the  absence  of  Cortes,  the  reduced  garrison 
would  be  crushed;  second,  on  the  morning  of 
the  festival  he  had  seen  a  large  number  of 
sharpened  sticks,  with  which  the  Mexicans 
openly  boasted  they  would  kill  him  and  his 
men;  third,  the  admission  of  the  captive  vic- 
tim, which  was  confirmed  by  a  native  of  Tex- 
coco;  fourth,  that  a  skirmish  had  already  taken 
place  in  the  palace,  in  which  he  himself  was 
wounded,  and  one  Spaniard  was  killed,  and 
that  all  would  have  certainly  shared  the  same 
fate.1 

1  Torquemada  adds  the  detail  that  huge  cauldrons  were 
prepared  in  which  to  cook  the  Spaniards.  Las  Casas  ad- 
vances the  theory,  usual  with  him,  that  Alvarado  wished 
to  strike  such  a  blow  as  would  terrorise  the  Indians. 


248  Fernando  Cortes 


Admitting  the  weighty  unanimity  of  many 
authorities  as  pointing  to  the  existence  of  the 
alleged  conspiracy,  Alvarado's  conduct  would 
still  be  without  justification;  even  had  there 
been  an  intention  to  attack  him,  his  proper 
course  would  have  been  to  collect  all  the  Span- 
iards and  the  Tlascalans  within  his  quarters; 
provision  his  garrison,  hold  Montezuma  and  the 
court  nobles  as  hostages,  notify  Cortes  by  mes- 
senger, and  stand  strictly  on  the  defensive  until 
help  or  instructions  came.  The  situation  cannot 
be  properly  paralleled  with  that  of  Cortes  in 
Cholula,  for  the  conditions  were  entirely  dif- 
ferent. Alvarado  was  the  most  violent  of  all 
the  Spanish  captains  and  his  brutality  culmi- 
nated in  this  inhuman  massacre,  which  drove 
the  long-suffering  Mexicans  to  desperation.  It 
destroyed  the  last  illusion  about  the  celestial 
origin  and  character  of  the  white  men,  and 
brought  on  the  tragedy  of  the  "Sorrowful  Night," 
and  the  siege,  with  its  long  train  of  misery  and 
destruction.  From  that  day  forward,  the  Mex- 
icans were  deaf  to  all  overtures  from  the  Span- 
iards; regardless  of  suffering  and  indifferent  to 
death  they  sought  only  vengeance. 


Herrera  admits  that  a  revolt  may  have  been  brewing, 
but  deprecates  the  wholesale  massacre  and  the  taking  of 
jewels  from  the  dead  bodies  of  the  victims.  Clavigero 
scouts  the  idea  of  a  conspiracy,  and  affirms  that  this 
was  an  invention  to  shield  Alvarado.  Oviedo,  Sahagun, 
and  Duran,  all  exempt  the  Indians  of  hostile  intentions. 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


249 


Cortes  probably  gave  little  credit  to  the  story 
told  by  Montezuma's  envoys,  for  his  suspicions 
were  already  sufficiently  aroused  by  his  know- 
ledge of  the  negotiations  the  Emperor  had 
carried  on  with  Narvaez  behind  his  back. 
Wherever  the  truth  lay  in  the  contradictory 
explanations  offered  him,  the  important  thing 
was  to  save  the  Spanish  garrison.  His  de- 
cisions were  quickly  formed  and  his  orders 
rapidly  given.  His  prisoners,  Narvaez  and  an 
officer,  Salvatierra,  were  sent  to  Vera  Cruz 
together  with  all  the  sick  and  disabled;  swift 
couriers  were  despatched  in  pursuit  of  Ordaz 
and  Juan  Velasquez,  bearing  orders  for  them  to 
desist  from  their  enterprises  and  to  join  the  main 
force  at  Tlascala;  the  great  majority  of  Nar- 
vaez's  men  were  induced  by  presents  and  prom- 
ises to  march  with  Cortes  to  Mexico  and,  at 
the  head  of  these  men  and  some  seventy  horse- 
men, the  intrepid  commander  rode  forth  from 
Cempoalla  on  his  second  march  to  the  Aztec 
capital.  At  Tlascala,  the  scattered  forces  punc- 
tually united  and  it  was  there  learned  that 
Alvarado  was  still  holding  out,  though  hard 
pressed.  The  total  force  now  reached  the  re- 
spectable figure  of  thirteen  hundred  men. 
ninety-six  horses,  and  a  fair  supply  of  artillery.1 

1  These  figures  are  taken  from  Bernal  Diaz  (cap.  cxxv.) 
whose  estimate  of  the  numbers  of  the  force  is  the  high- 
est of  any  authority.    Cortes  reduced  them  to  less  than 


250  Fernando  Cortes 


Tlascala  furnished  auxiliaries  to  the  number  of 
three  or  four  hundred  warriors. 

A  rapid  march  brought  the  army  to  Texcoco 
where  messengers  from  Montezuma  and  Alvarado 
gave  the  welcome  news  of  the  garrison's  safety. 
The  active  assaults  on  the  quarters,  so  Alvarado 
wrote,  had  ceased  a  fortnight  ago,  though  the 
state  of  siege  still  lasted.  Montezuma's  letter, 
which  was  the  first  sign  of  welcome  that  Cortes 
had  received  since  he  crossed  the  Mexican  fron- 
tier, rejected  all  responsibility  for  the  disturb- 
ances in  his  capital,  and  begged  Malintzin  not  to 
be  angry  with  him.  Following  the  road  leading 
from  Texcoco  to  Tepeyac  (the  present  Guade- 
loupe), Cortes  made  his  second  entry  into  the 
city  by  the  causeway  leading  to  the  Tlatelolco 
quarter,  but  under  very  different  circumstances 
from  those  that  accompanied  his  first  visit. 
There  were  no  curious  or  enthusiastic  crowds  in 
the  streets,  which,  indeed,  were  silent  and  all 
but  deserted;  there  was  no  procession  of  great 
nobles  to  salaam  before  him,  neither  the  per- 
fume of  incense  greeted  his  nostrils  nor  were 
garlands  of  flowers  cast  beneath  his  horse's  feet. 
The  few  citizens  whom  the  Spaniards  met, 
turned  their  faces  aside,  or  withdrew  from  their 
sight;  several  of  the  bridges  had  been  raised, 


half, — 70  horsemen  and  500  soldiers.  Prescott,  following 
Herrera  and  Gomara,  fixes  the  number  at  1000  soldiers 
and  100  horsemen. 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


and  over  the  city  there  brooded  a  sinister 
silence,  veiling  the  memory  of  past  conflict  and 
heavy  with  the  forecast  of  coming  calamity. 
The  gates  of  the  Spanish  quarters  were  thrown 
open  to  receive  the  welcome  arrivals,  Cortes  and 
Alvarado  embraced,  while  all  crowded  forward 
to  kiss  the  commander's  hand  and  the  soldiers 
of  both  parties  greeted  one  another  and  ex- 
changed news  of  their  several  adventures.  Mon- 
tezuma, who  advanced  into  the  courtyard,  was 
ignored  by  Cortes,  who  passed  him  by  without 
returning  his  salute.  Fray  Bartolome  visited 
the  offended  monarch  in  his  apartments  and 
sought  to  satisfy  his  plaintive  inquiries  as  to 
whether  and  why  Malintzin  was  angry  with 
him,  by  assurances  that  anxiety  and  over- 
fatigue had  rendered  the  general  so  distrait  that 
he  had  been  unaware  of  the  Emperor's  presence. 
Thus  the  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the 
twenty-fourth  of  June,  1520,  found  Cortes  once 
more  within  the  Aztec  capital,  in  command  of 
a  greater  force  than  he  had  previously  possessed, 
but  faced  likewise  by  an  infinitely  greater  danger. 

Despite  all  he  was  told,  Cortes  hardly  realised 
the  conditions  prevailing  in  the  city  and  the 
intensity  of  the  resentment  Alvarado's  cruel 
folly  had  aroused,  until  the  next  morning,  when 
he  learned  that  no  markets  were  open  nor  were 
any  provisions  supplied  to  the  garrison.  If  he 
had  counted  on  his  mere  presence  sufficing  to 
restore  confidence,  he  awoke  to  his  mistake. 


252  Fernando  Cortes 


Even  his  habitually  imperturbable  equanimity 
showed  signs  of  giving  way  under  the  strain 
and,  when  some  court  officers  approached  him, 
asking  when  he  would  see  the  Emperor,  he  im- 
patiently exclaimed,  "  Away  with  the  dog,  who 
wont  even  keep  his  markets  open  or  order  us 
to  be  supplied  with  food ! "  Several  of  his 
officers  intervened  to  moderate  his  anger,  re- 
minding him  that  but  for  Montezuma,  they 
would  all  be  dead  and  eaten  before  now.  Such 
testiness  was  new  in  Cortes  and  was  the  first 
sign  of  the  corrupting  effects  of  good  fortune 
on  his  balanced  and  well-controlled  character. 
The  victory  over  Narvaez,  the  homage  of  the 
men,  his  triumph  over  Diego  Velasquez  and  his 
certainty  of  conquest,  seem  to  have  somewhat 
puffed  him  up,  and  the  sudden  disappointment 
awaiting  him  in  Mexico  came  as  a  painful  shock 
to  his  comfortably  growing  sense  of  omnipotence. 
He  sent  a  curt  message,  equivalent  to  a  threat, 
to  Montezuma  that  he  must  order  the  markets 
opened  immediately.  This  message  and  the  tone 
of  its  utterance  probably  lost  nothing  in  trans- 
mission to  the  Emperor  through  his  courtiers. 
His  reply  reminded  Cortes  that  as  he  was  a 
prisoner,  he  could  not  leave  the  Spanish  quarters, 
but  that  if  the  latter  desired  the  markets  to  be 
opened  and  the  populace  to  be  tranquillised, 
some  one  of  the  sovereigns  whom  the  Spaniards 
held,  must  be  liberated.  The  Kings  of  Texcoco 
and  Tlacopan  shared  Montezuma's  imprisonment 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


253 


as  did  likewise  his  brother  Cuitlahuatzin,  lord 
of  Iztapalapan.  Cortes  recognised  the  force  of 
the  Emperor's  argument  but  his  habitually  sub- 
tle judgment  was  evidently  disturbed,  for  he 
made  the  blunder  of  designating  Cuitlahuatzin 
as  the  one  to  accomplish  the  pacification  of  the 
city. 

This  prince,  who  was  an  heir  presumptive  to 
the  throne,  was  young,  brave,  intelligent,  and 
popular;  from  the  outset,  he,  like  General  Xico- 
tencatl  in  Tlascala,  had  refused  to  recognise  the 
Spaniards  as  teules,  and  had  repeatedly  advised 
that  they  be  annihilated  without  further  dis- 
cussion. He  had  later  supported  the  plan  of 
Cacamatzin  for  a  general  coalition  against  the 
strangers,  that  was  wrecked  by  the  unpatriotic 
dissensions  of  the  latter's  ambitious  brothers. 
Cortes  had  imprisoned  the  proud  young  prince, 
even  putting  him  in  chains,  hence  his  feel- 
ings towards  the  Spaniards  may  easily  be 
conceived. 

Once  free,  outside  the  Spanish  quarters  that 
had  been  his  prison,  Cuitlahuatzin  took  com- 
mand of  the  Mexican  troops,  organised  an  as- 
sault on  the  Spaniards  and  raised  the  whole 
city  in  revolt  against  the  odious  white  men. 

A  Spanish  horseman,  Antonio  del  Rio,  was 
sent  out  with  letters  for  Vera  Cruz,  but  within 
half  an  hour  he  returned  at  full  gallop,  wounded 
and  crying  that  the  bridges  were  up  and  the 
whole  city  in  revolt.  Close  upon  his  heels  fol- 
17 


254  Fernando  Cortes 


lowed  an  immense  crowd,  brandishing  weapons 
and  uttering  war-cries.  From  the  roofs,  which 
became  peopled  as  though  by  magic,  showers 
of  missiles  poured  into  the  quarters — every- 
where were  shouts,  confusion,  and  sounds  of 
war. 

Diego  de  Ordaz  sallied  out  at  the  head  of 
four  hundred  foot  and  a  few  horsemen  to  re- 
pulse the  first  onslaught.  His  men  were  im- 
mediately surrounded  and  unable  to  advance 
one  pace,  so  dense  was  the  throng  that  pressed 
upon  them.  Eight  men  were  killed,  a  number 
wounded,  and  it  was  only  with  the  greatest 
difficulty  that  their  leader  succeeded  in  getting 
the  rest  of  his  demoralised  force  safely  back 
into  the  quarters.  Cortes  made  efforts  to  sus- 
tain Ordaz,  but  was  himself  wounded,  as  well 
as  several  of  his  men  and,  seeing  the  impossi- 
bility of  making  headway  against  such  over- 
whelming numbers,  he  fell  back  under  shelter. 
Although  the  artillery  and  the  arquebusiers 
worked  fearful  execution  amongst  the  compact 
body  of  Indians,  the  places  of  the  fallen  were 
immediately  filled  and  the  death-dealing  volleys 
seemed  to  produce  no  impression  whatever, 
either  on  the  numbers  of  the  enemy  or  on  their 
courage.  Notwithstanding  that  the  Mexicans 
had  hitherto  merely  heard  salutes  fired  from 
the  guns,  but  had  never  witnessed  the  deadly 
efficiency  of  these  engines  of  warfare,  they 
stormed  the  very  walls  of  the  quarters,  seeking 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


255 


to  make  breaches,  while  others  stationed  on  the 
neighbouring  house-tops  rained  arrows,  stones, 
and  missiles  of  all  kinds  into  the  midst  of  the 
garrison.  Fire  was  set  to  the  building  in 
various  places  by  flaming  arrows  shot  onto  some 
of  the  wooden  and  thatched  roofs.  Scarcity  of 
water  inside  the  garrison,  where,  indeed,  there 
was  barely  enough  to  drink,  forced  the  Spaniards 
to  tear  down  walls  or  to  throw  earth  onto  the 
flames  to  extinguish  the  spreading  conflagration. 
On  all  sides  the  battle  raged  with  unexampled 
fury, — never,  not  even  during  the  war  with  the 
Tlascalans  had  the  Spaniards  sustained  such  an 
attack,  and  the  men  of  Narvaez's  troop,  ac- 
customed to  the  timid  Indians  of  Cuba  and 
Hayti  were  amazed  at  this  unexpected  baptism 
of  fire.  Night  mercifully  put  an  end  to  the 
conflict,  for,  as  the  darkness  fell,  the  Aztecs, 
according  to  their  invariable  custom,  drew  off 
their  forces. 

The  cessation  of  hostilities  brought  no  rest 
to  the  beleaguered  garrison,  and  an  anxious 
night  was  passed  in  caring  for  the  wounded, 
strengthening  the  defences,  and  repairing  their 
weapons  for  the  morrow.  Early  in  the  morn- 
ing, Cortes  ordered  a  general  sortie,  leaving  a 
sufficient  body  of  men  to  defend  the  quarters. 
He  found  the  enemy  awaiting  him  with  seem- 
ingly increased  numbers.  In  the  course  of  a 
long  day's  fighting,  the  Spaniards  lost  twelve 
men  and  many  disabled  by  wounds,  without 


2  56  Fernando  Cortes 


gaining  any  advantage,  beyond  the  destruction 
of  a  few  houses.  The  artillery  worked  inces- 
santly and  the  number  of  Indians  killed  was 
never  known,  but  though  a  hundred  fell  at  each 
discharge  of  the  guns,  a  thousand  seemed  to 
spring  into  their  places  with  undiminished 
courage. 

The  night  following  on  this  second  day's 
struggle,  was  occupied  in  the  construction  of 
three  wooden  machines,  similar  to  the  mantelets 
in  common  use  in  Europe  before  the  invention 
of  gun-powder.  They  were  portable  towers, 
constructed  of  light  beams,  covered  over  with 
planks,  in  which  were  loop-holes.  The  towers 
rested  on  rollers  and  were  pulled  through  the 
streets  by  means  of  ropes.  All  the  next  day 
(Wednesday,  27th  of  June)  the  Spaniards  re- 
mained behind  their  defences,  wThere  they  sus- 
tained almost  uninterrupted  attacks,  that  left 
them  no  time  for  much-needed  rest.  Cuitla- 
huatzin  was  everywhere  present  amongst  the 
besiegers,  encouraging  his  people  and  directing 
their  operations  with  singular  skill. 

In  the  midst  of  the  ever-increasing  perils  that 
beset  his  men,  Cortes  appealed  to  Montezuma 
to  use  his  authority  to  stop  the  fighting.  If  he 
still  had  illusions  as  to  Montezuma's  influence 
over  his  people,  that  unhappy  prince  evidently 
had  none.  To  Fray  Bartolome  and  Cristobal 
de  Olid,  who  came  to  him  on  behalf  of  the 
commander,  he  frankly  said  that  the  people 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


257 


would  no  longer  listen  to  or  obey  him,  for  they 
had  chosen  another  leader;  he  added  his  con- 
viction that  not  a  Spaniard  would  leave  the  city 
alive.  Yielding  finally  to  the  persuasions  of 
his  two  visitors,  the  Emperor  vested  himself 
for  the  last  time  in  his  imperial  robes  and,  ac- 
companied by  his  courtiers  bearing  the  insignia 
of  his  rank,  he  mounted  the  parapet  of  the 
palace  overlooking  the  square.  The  unexpected 
apparition  of  their  sovereign  threw  an  instant 
hush  over  the  raging  crowd  of  Mexicans  who 
dropped  their  arms  and,  falling  prostrate,  they 
touched  the  earth  with  their  foreheads.  Amidst 
the  profound  silence  that  reigned  Montezuma 
spoke,  declaring  that  he  was  not  a  prisoner,  but 
lived  with  the  white  men  voluntarily,  free  to 
come  and  go  at  his  pleasure;  he  exhorted  his 
people  to  cease  fighting  and  assured  them  that 
the  teules  only  asked  to  be  allowed  to  leave  the 
city  in  peace.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at, 
that  this  badly  inspired  and  feebly  spoken 
discourse  failed  to  procure  the  cessation  of 
hostilities. 

On  the  contrary,  he  had  hardly  finished  speak- 
ing when  the  young  prince,  Quauhtemotzin,  who 
was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  people,  stepped 
forward  and  reviled  him  as  a  coward  and  the 
effeminate  tool  of  the  Spaniards,  declaring  that 
his  subjects  renounced  obedience  to  one  who 
had  so  degraded  his  royal  dignity.  With  that 
he  hurled  a  stone,  and  in  the  volley  of  missiles 
17 


2  58  Fernando  Cortes 


that  followed,  one  struck  the  Emperor  on  the 
head.1 

The  Spaniards  who  had  been  charged  to  pro- 
tect Montezuma's  person  with  their  shields  were 
not  quick  enough,  and  it  is  said  that  he  was  also 
wounded  by  arrows  in  the  arm  and  in  the  leg. 
The  wounds  were  not,  however,  serious,  but  the 
unfortunate  monarch  was  evidently  determined 
not  to  survive  this  supreme  humiliation  and, 
refusing  to  allow  his  hurts  to  be  properly 
dressed,  he  remained  without  food  in  a  pro- 
foundly dejected  condition.  Herrera  describes 
Cortes  as  showing  the  greatest  concern,  solici- 
tously visiting  the  Emperor  to  comfort  him,  but 
it  seems  little  likely  that,  in  the  midst  of  his 
many  perilous  occupations,  the  commander 
found  time  to  condole  with  his  wounded  cap- 
tive; for  Montezuma's  tardy  efforts  for  peace 
had  failed  completely,  and  though  Prescott  says 
that  the  Aztecs  "  shocked  at  their  own  sacri- 
legious act  .  .  .  dispersed,  panic-struck,  in 
different  directions  .  .  .  so  that  not  one  of  the 
multitudinous  array  remained  in  the  great 
square,"  there  seems  to  be  no  authority  for 
believing  that  any  such  dramatic  revulsion  of 
feeling  took  place.  Montezuma  had  fallen  from 
his  royalty  and  his  high  priesthood  to  be  a 
thing  of  scorn  and  loathing  to  his  people,  while 

1  Codex  Ramirez  in  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  cap.  x. ; 
Acosta,  Hist  Nat  y  Moral  de  las  Indias,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xxvi. 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


his  influence  on  the  course  of  events  was  less 
than  nil. 

The  attacks  on  the  walls  of  the  Spanish 
quarters  continued  all  day,  interrupted  once  by 
a  conference  between  Cortes  and  a  group  of 
Mexican  nobles,  who  assured  him  that  the  only 
condition  on  which  they  would  consider  peace 
was  that  he  and  his  men  should  leave  the  city 
and  quit  the  country;  failing  this,  they  had 
determined  to  fight  to  the  end  even  if  every- 
body perished  in  the  conflict.1 

On  Thursday,  June  28th,  the  wooden  towers 
or  turtles  (tortugas),  as  the  soldiers  called 
them,  were  drawn  out  and  started  through  the 
street  leading  to  the  causeway  of  Tacuba.  This 
road  out  of  the  city  was  the  most  easily  ac- 
cessible and  the  shortest,  and  had  hence  been 
chosen  in  preference  to  either  the  Iztapalapan 
or  the  Tepeajac  causeway.  The  turtles  proved 
less  effective  than  had  been  hoped;  they  were 
ponderous  and  clumsy  to  move  and,  though  they 
protected  the  men  inside  them  and  enabled 
them  to  reach  some  of  the  lower  house- 
tops, they  gradually  sustained  such  damage 
that  they  no  longer  offered  an  effective 
shelter. 

The  teocalli  of  the  great  temple,  overshadow- 
ing as  it  did  the  courtyards  of  the  quarters,  was 
a  vantage  ground  of  which  the  Aztecs  profited 


1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  288. 


260  Fernando  Cortes 


to  do  great  damage  to  the  garrison.  The  Chris- 
tian altar  had  been  destroyed  and  the  cross 
supplanted  by  the  statues  of  the  national  gods, 
Huitzilopochtli  and  Tezcatlipoca,  which  were 
once  more  restored  to  their  original  pedestals. 
Several  hundred  nobles  and  priests  had  taken 
permanent  possession  of  the  summit  of  the 
teocalli,  where  they  were  protected  from  the  fire 
of  the  garrison  by  the  sanctuaries,  behind  or 
into  which  they  retreated  at  their  pleasure. 

The  first  attack  on  this  important  strong- 
hold was  led  by  Escobar  in  command  of  one 
hundred  men,  but  was  unsuccessful.  Cortes, 
who  had  been  badly  wounded  in  his  left  hand, 
had  his  shield  bound  to  his  arm  and,  selecting 
three  hundred  Spaniards  and  several  thousand 
Tlascalans,  he  charged  the  mass  of  Indians  de- 
fending the  foot  of  the  great  staircase.  The 
horsemen  were  of  little  service,  as  the  pavement 
of  the  temple  courtyard  was  so  slippery  their 
steeds  could  hardly  keep  their  feet.  The  teocalli 
was  composed  of  five  terraces,  communicating 
with  one  another  by  flights  of  steps  built  at  the 
corners,  one  over  the  other,  so  that  when  the 
first  terrace  was  reached,  it  was  necessary  to 
make  the  circuit  of  the  pyramid,  in  order  to 
mount  the  second  flight.  The  whole  structure 
measured  about  three  hundred  feet  square  at 
its  base,  so  the  distance  the  Spaniards  had  to 
cover  before  reaching  the  top  was  scarcely  less 
than  a  mile.    Supported  by  Alvarado,  Sandoval, 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


261 


and  Ordaz  and  closely  followed  by  his  men, 
Cortes  attempted  the  ascent  of  the  first  stair- 
case, leaving  the  Tlascalans  and  a  small  force 
of  Spaniards  to  defend  the  base  and  hold  off 
an  attack  at  his  rear.  Every  foot  of  the  ascent 
was  stubbornly  contested  by  the  Aztecs  on  the 
upper  terraces,  from  which  they  hurled  down 
great  stones  and  masses  of  burning  wood  on 
the  assailants.  Every  terrace  was  hotly  dis- 
puted, and  the  arquebusiers  posted  below  ren- 
dered splendid  service,  forcing  many  of  the 
Mexicans  to  retreat  from  their  exposed  position 
on  the  top  platform  and  take  refuge  in  the  sanc- 
tuary. The  area  of  the  summit  was  paved 
with  flat  stones  and  its  expanse  was  un- 
broken, save  by  the  great  stone  of  sacrifice 
and  two  small,  tower-like  structures  about 
forty  feet  in  height,  in  which  stood  the 
idols. 

Retreat  was  impossible,  and  the  chivalry  of 
two  worlds  locked  in  a  death  struggle  on  the 
lofty  platform  between  earth  and  heaven.  In 
the  furious  fight  that  raged  between  the  com- 
batants, neither  of  whom  gave  or  asked  for 
quarter,  many  were  hurled  over  the  sides  of  the 
pyramid  and  fell,  crushed  and  mangled,  on  the 
lower  terraces,  or  were  despatched  by  the  de- 
fenders at  the  base.  It  is  related  by  several 
writers  that  an  attempt  was  made  by  two  Mex- 
icans to  drag  Cortes  to  the  edge  and  force  him 
over,  but  that,  by  his  superior  dexterity,  he 


262  Fernando  Cortes 


saved  himself.1  During  three  mortal  hours 
eight  hundred  men  swayed  to  and  fro,  from 
side  to  side  of  the  perilous  stage,  dedicated  so 
appropriately  to  the  god  of  war,  under  the 
shadow  of  whose  dread  presence  these  rites  of 
his  fearful  cult  were  being  celebrated.  Victory 
finally  rested  on  the  superior  arms  of  the  Span- 
iards, but  not  an  Aztec  warrior  was  left  alive 
to  grace  their  triumph.  Every  man  of  the  de- 
fenders, about  five  hundred,  had  given  his  life 
in  defence  of  his  gods.  Forty-five  Spaniards 
had  fallen  and  of  the  survivors,  all  were  more 
or  less  severely  wounded. 

No  victory  on  any  other  site  in  the  city  could 
have  caused  more  rejoicing  to  the  Spaniards  or 
greater  dismay  amongst  the  Mexicans  than  this 
dearly-bought  success  in  the  very  stronghold  of 
the  Aztec  theocracy.  To  complete  their  triumph, 
the  soldiers  overturned  the  monstrous  idols, 
rolling  them  down  the  steps  of  the  pyramid 
and,  after  collecting  what  treasures  there  were  in 
the  sanctuaries,  they  set  fire  to  them.  Great 
was  the  lamentation  amongst  the  Mexicans,  for 
those  who  had  perished  were  of  their  best  and 
bravest ;  the  bodies  were  collected  and  reverently 
carried  away  for  burial.  Not  grief  alone  af- 
flicted the  natives,  but  the  fall  of  their  great 
>temple  and  the  destruction  of  their  protecting 
idols  renewed  the  old-time  forebodings  that  the 

1Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  ix.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv., 
Cap.  lxix.;  Prescott,  torn,  ii.,  lib.  v.,  cap.  ii. 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


263 


coming  of  the  teules  presaged  the  end  of  their 
empire.  That  night  the  Spaniards  burned 
several  hundred  houses  in  the  city. 

While  the  influence  of  this  disaster  was  still 
fresh  on  the  minds  of  the  people,  Cortes  in- 
vited their  leaders  to  a  conference,  with  a  view 
to  coming  to  terms.  In  his  address  to  them, 
which  was  delivered  through  Marina,  he  re- 
hearsed the  events  of  the  preceding  days,  re- 
minding them  of  their  losses  and  sufferings  and 
declaring  that  these  calamities  were  the  con- 
sequences of  their  own  stubbornness,  for  he  was 
their  friend  and  was  much  afflicted  at  being 
forced  to  do  them  such  injury.  He  pointed  out 
that  their  resistance  was  hopeless  and  that  if 
they  persisted,  they  would  force  him  to  ex- 
terminate them.  The  answer  of  the  chiefs  was 
prompt  and  definite;  they  recognised  the  truth 
of  some  things  he  had  said  but  they  had  made 
their  calculations  that  if,  for  every  Spaniard 
who  fell,  a  thousand  of  their  men  perished,  they 
could  still  hold  out  and  conquer.  With  force- 
ful logic  they  reminded  Cortes  that,  while  his 
forces  were  daily  weakening  from  death,  wounds, 
illness,  and  fatigue,  their  own  numbers  were  in- 
creasing by  fresh  arrivals  hourly.  His  provisions 
would  give  out,  the  bridges  were  raised  and 
there  was  no  hope  of  escape  for  the  Spaniards. 
The  truth  of  this  reasoning  was  irrefutable,  for, 
as  Cortes  afterwards  wrote  to  Charles  V.,  "  they 
were  perfectly  right,  for  though  we  had  no 


264  Fernando  Cortes 


other  enemy  save  starvation  and  the  want  of 
provisions,  this  would  suffice  to  kill  us  in  a 
short  time."  1 

Friday,  the  twenty-ninth  of  June,  showed  the 
situation  unchanged.  The  Spaniards  managed 
to  capture  one  of  the  ditches  on  the  Tacuba 
causeway,  where  the  Mexicans  had  destroyed 
the  bridges,  which  they  then  filled  in  with 
adobes,  pieces  of  wood  and  earth  to  establish 
a  crossing  for  their  horses.  On  Saturday,  a 
review  of  their  situation  showed  that,  de- 
spite their  efforts  and  their  victories,  they  had 
not  really  bettered  their  situation :  their  number 
was  daily  reduced  by  death,  while  the  severely 
wounded,  destitute  of  proper  attention  and 
cure,  encumbered  the  quarters  where  provisions 
had  become  so  scanty  that  each  white  man  re- 
ceived for  his  ration,  a  handful  of  maize,  and 
each  Tlascalan  a  tortilla.2  Another  enemy  now 
confronted  Cortes,  which  was  the  grumbling, 
swelling  daily  to  the  very  borders  of  rebellion, 
inside  his  quarters.  The  Narvaez  contingent  had 
suffered  some  bitter  disappointments  and  pain- 
ful surprises.  This  march  to  Mexico  under  the 
triumphant  standard  of  Cortes,  had  not  proved 
the  profitable  excursion  on  which  they  had  con- 
fidently set  out.  The  stories  told  them  of  a 
magnificent  capital,  of  which  he  was  master, 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn  i.,  p.  291. 

2  Flat  cakes  made  of  maize  and  water  similar  in  form 
to  a  buckweat  cake. 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


265 


and  where  a  captive  sovereign  daily  distributed 
dazzling  wealth  to  even  the  humblest  foot- 
soldiers,  were  found  to  bear  no  resemblance  to 
the  facts  with  which  they  were  confronted.  Of 
treasure,  they  had  seen  none,  and  they  were 
besieged  by  an  hostile  army  in  a  capital  that 
seemed  destined  to  be  the  tomb  of  all  of  them. 
They  audibly  cursed  Cortes  who  had  led  them 
into  this  situation.  In  the  midst  of  these  per- 
plexities,— war  without  and  insurrection  within 
his  own  quarters, — Cortes  decided  that  he  must 
at  all  costs  fight  his  way  out  of  the  city.  There 
was  in  his  troop  a  soldier  called  Bias  Botello, 
who  enjoyed  some  reputation  as  an  astrologer, 
or  even  as  a  magician  amongst  the  more  ig- 
norant. Cortes  was  not  exempt  from  the  in- 
fluence of  ideas  common  enough,  even  amongst 
learned  people  in  that  century.  Some  of  Bo- 
tello's  minor  predictions  had  been  observed  to 
come  true  and  when  consulted  concerning  the 
plan  for  leaving  the  capital,  he  answered  that 
they  must  leave  in  the  night. 

It  was  easier  to  perceive  the  wisdom  of 
evacuating  the  city,  than  it  was  to  devise  means 
for  accomplishing  the  undertaking.  First  of 
all  it  was  necessary  to  gain  possession  of  the 
ditches  on  the  Tacuba  road  and  to  fill  them  in 
where  the  bridges  had  been  destroyed.  There 
were  seven  of  these,  and  during  two  days  the 
Mexicans  defended  them  stoutly  and  were  only 
overcome  after  exhausting  combats,  in  one  of 


266  Fernando  Cortes 


which  Cortes  was  even  reported  to  have  fallen. 
Another  matter  to  be  decided  was  the  fate  of 
the  royal  and  noble  captives.  The  simplest  so- 
lution of  this  problem  was  the  one  Cortes 
adopted.  He  ordered  them  to  be  strangled  in 
their  chains.  Was  Montezuma  included  in  the 
number  of  victims?  Contradictory  answers  are 
given  to  this  query  by  different  authorities; 
like  the  virtue  of  Mary  Stuart  and  the  death 
of  Louis  XVII.,  it  occupies  a  place  within  the 
sphere  of  the  eternally  debatable. 

Montezuma  Xocoyotzin,  ninth  king  of  Mexico, 
died  on  June  30,  1520,  in  the  fifty  second  year 
of  his  age,  the  eighteenth  of  his  reign,  and  in 
the  seventh  month  of  his  captivity.  His  death 
was  attributed  by  the  Spaniards  to  the  wound 
caused  by  the  stone  which  struck  him  on  the 
head;  by  the  Mexicans  it  was,  on  the  contrary, 
asserted  that  he  was  put  to  death  by  Cortes. 
The  Codex  Ramirez,  before  quoted  from  the 
work  of  Orozco  y  Berra,  states  that  Montezuma 
was  found  stabbed  to  death  by  the  Spaniards 
with  the  other  chiefs  who  shared  his  captivity. 
Acosta  accepts  this  as  true,  and  Father  Duran 
(cap.  lxxvi.)  says,  "They  found  him  dead  with 
chains  upon  his  feet,  and  five  dagger  wounds 
in  his  breast,  and  with  him,  many  other  of  the 
chiefs  and  lords  who  were  prisoners."  Amongst 
the  murdered  nobles  were  the  kings  of  Tlacopan 
and  Texcoco  and  the  lord  of  Tlatelolco.  Caca- 
matzin,  according  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  was  stabbed 


Revolt  of  Mexico  267 


forty-five  times,  and  lie  adds  that  Montezuma 
died  from  the  wound  in  his  head,  "  although 
his  vassals  say  that  the  Spaniards  themselves 
killed  him,  and  plunged  a  sword  into  his 
fundament."  1 

The  murder  of  the  other  chiefs  was  deemed 
necessary,  as  it  was  neither  possible  to  be 
burdened  with  them  in  the  flight  from  the  city, 
nor  was  it  wise  to  release  them.  Their  bodies 
were  thrown  out  of  the  Spanish  quarters  at  a 
spot  called  Teayotl,  because  of  a  stone  turtle 
that  stood  there,  in  the  hope  that  their  fate 
might  discourage  the  people  and  also  give  them 
occupation  in  preparing  their  funerals  as  re- 
quired by  custom.2  The  account  of  the  wound- 
ing and  death  of  Montezuma  given  by  Cortes, 
was  naturally  followed  by  Gomara;  Oviedo  also 
copies  his  words,  and  says  that  he  heard  the 
same  account  viva  voce  from  Pedro  de  Alvarado ; 
Herrera  asserts  that  the  Emperor's  wound  was 
not  mortal,3  but  that  he  died  because  he  refused 
all  attendance  and  food;  and  Bernal  Diaz,  who 
relates  the  same  story,  adds  the  affecting  detail 
that  "  Cortes  and  all  the  captains  and  soldiers 
wept  as  though  they  had  lost  a  father,"  4  which 
those  may  believe  who  can.    Clavigero  refers 

1  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxxviii. 

2  Sahagun,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxviii.;  Ixtlixochitl,  Hist. 
Chichimeca,  cap.  lxxxviii. 

3  Lib.  x.,  cap.  x. 

4  Hist.  Verdad.,  cap.  cxxviii. 


268  Fernando  Cortes 


to  the  grief  of  the  Spaniards,  as  described  by 
Bernal  Diaz,  and  says  that  in  view  of  the  con-, 
tradictory  accounts,  it  seems  impossible  to  know 
the  truth  adding,  "  I  cannot  believe  that  the 
Spaniards  would  take  the  life  of  a  king  to  whom 
they  owed  so  many  benefits  and  from  whose 
death  they  would  derive  only  evil."  1 

The  facts  exclude  participation  in  this  chari- 
table incredulity;  Montezuma's  influence  was 
gone ;  another  leader  had  been  chosen  by  the  na- 
tion in  the  person  of  the  brave  Quauhtemotzin, 
and  when  Cortes  announced  his  death,  offering  to 
deliver  his  body  for  burial  the  people  cried  out, 
"We  want  Montezuma  neither  living  nor  dead."  2 
Hence  the  fallen  sovereign's  presence  was  only 
an  embarrassment  to  Cortes,  who  was  planning 
to  fight  his  way  out  of  the  city  with  as  few  en- 
cumbrances as  possible, — even  the  precious  gold 
was  being  left  behind.  The  moment  the  Em- 
peror became  an  obstacle,  his  doom  was  sealed, 
and  there  was  nothing  in  the  character  or 
conduct  of  Cortes  which  warrants  the  belief 
that  he  was  influenced  by  sentiments  of  com- 
passion for  the  King  he  had  degraded,  while  his 
disposal  of  Cacamatzin  at  that  time,  and  of 
Quauhtemotzin  later  in  Yucatan,  reveal  the  ab- 
sence of  any  scruples  whatsoever.  Prescott  joins 
Clavigero  in  his  generous  assumption  and,  with 
a  fine  outburst  of  indignation,  finds  it  "  hardly 

1  Storia  Antica  del  Messico,  torn,  ii.,  p.  103. 

2  Herrera,  lib.  x.,  cap.  x. 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


269 


necessary  to  comment  on  the  absurdity  of  this 
monstrous  imputation. "  Such  sentiments  do 
credit  to  the  magnanimity  of  these  writers  for  it 
is  manifestly  the  nobler  part  to  admit  such  a 
charge  against  Cortes,  only  when  forced  by  irre- 
futable proofs,  which  in  this  case  are  not  forth- 
coming. Orozco  y  Berra,  the  result  of  whose  ex- 
tensive researches  are  expressed  in  calm  judicial 
language  in  his  Conquista  de  Mexico,  adopts  the 
Indian  version.  Clavigero  has  perhaps  said  the 
most  that  generous  impartiality  will  allow,  when 
he  states  that,  "  There  reigns  such  variety  among 
historians  that  it  seems  impossible  to  verify  the 
truth." 

Torquemada 1  records  that  Montezuma's  body 
was  taken  to  Copalco  where  it  was  cremated, 
according  to  the  Aztec  usage,  though  the  solem- 
nity was  marred  by  the  insults  heaped  by 
some  of  the  bystanders  upon  the  hapless  corpse. 
Herrera  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  body  was 
buried  at  Chapultepec,  because  the  Spaniards 
heard  great  lamentations  in  that  quarter,  and 
because  that  was  the  place  of  royal  sepulture, 
but  the  observation  of  Clavigero  on  this  opinion 
that  there  was  no  fixed  place  for  burying  the 
sovereigns  and  that  Chapultepec,  being  some 
three  miles  distant  from  the  Spanish  quarters, 
it  was  hardly  likely  the  sound  of  lamentation 
could  have  been  heard  there,  seems  to  weaken 
this  assumption. 

1  Lib.  iv.,  cap.  lxx. 


2  7o  Fernando  Cortes 


Diego  Munoz  Camargo,  the  Tlascalan  his- 
torian, would  seem  to  be  the  chief  authority 
for  the  pious  legend  that  Montezuma  was  bap- 
tised by  his  own  desire  just  before  he  died,  and 
that  Cortes  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado  were  his 
godfathers.  Gomara  asserts  that  the  Emperor 
had  expressed  his  wish  to  become  a  Christian 
prior  to  the  departure  of  Cortes  from  Mexico 
to  meet  Narvaez,  but  that  the  ceremony  was 
deferred  until  Easter,  so  that  it  might  be  cele- 
brated with  more  solemnity,  and  was  afterwards 
forgotten  amidst  the  confusion  of  the  changed 
circumstances.  The  silence  of  Cortes  on  a 
matter  he  would  have  been  eager  to  report  in 
his  letters,  seems  alone  sufficient  to  dispose  of 
the  assertion,  and  Torquemada,  who  would  also 
have  not  been  slow  to  enroll  a  royal  convert, 
does  not  admit  the  story.1 

A  pathetic  figure  is  that  of  this  Aztec  king, 
gifted  with  some  of  the  highest  qualities  of  his 
race,  venerated  during  a  long  and  prosperous 
reign  almost  as  a  demi-god,  only  to  be  humbled 
in  the  end  to  the  very  dust.  The  starting  point 
of  his  downfall  was  his  superstition,  for,  had 
he  listened  to  his  generals  rather  than  to  his 
priests,  Cortes  and  his  handful  of  adventurers 
would  never  have  left  the  seacoast  alive.  The 
misfortunes  and  humiliations  of  the  last  months 
of  his  life  seemed  to  completely  change  his 

1Monarchia  Indiana,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  lxx.;  Jose  Ramirez, 
Bautismo  de  Motecuhzoma  II.,  Noveno  Rey  de  Mexico, 


Revolt  of  Mexico 


271 


character,  so  that,  from  the  time  of  his  docile 
abdication  at  the  bidding  of  Cortes,  to  the  in- 
famy of  his  appearance  on  the  walls  of  the 
Spanish  quarters  to  rebuke  his  long-suffering 
people,  he  descended  step  by  step  on  his  way  to 
the  nameless  grave  where  his  dishonoured  form 
was  finally  laid.1 

1Prescott,s  description  of  the  scenes  of  Montezuma's 
death-bed,  with  Cortes  present,  to  whom  he  confided  his 
daughters,  is  based  upon  the  narration  of  Cortes  made 
in  the  grant  afterwards  conceded  to  one  of  the  daughters, 
Dona  Isabel,  when  she  married  Alonso  Grado,  who  is 
described  in  the  same  document  as  an  hidalgo  of  Al- 
cantara. It  is  to  the  Conqueror's  credit  that  he  recognised 
the  debt  of  the  Spanish  crown  to  Montezuma,  and  that  he 
procured  the  royal  protection  for  his  children. 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  SORROWFUL  NIGHT 

Saving  the  Treasure— The  Retreat  from  Mexico — The 
Survivors — Battle  of  Otumba — Arrival  in  Tlascala. 

THE  decision  to  leave  the  city  silently  and  as 
secretly  as  possible,  under  cover  of  night 
having  been  agreed  to  by  most  of  the  captains, 
preparations  for  the  flight  were  at  once  under- 
taken. The  accumulated  treasure  that  had  al- 
ready cost  such  rivers  of  tears  and  blood  was 
piled  in  a  room  of  the  palace  and,  the  royal 
fifth  being  first  carefully  separated  and  con- 
fided to  the  charge  of  Alonso  de  Avila  and 
Gonzalo  de  Mejia  in  their  quality  of  officers  of 
the  Crown,  the  remainder  was  divided  amongst 
the  officers  and  men  according  to  the  provisions 
already  stipulated.  The  quantity,  however,  was 
so  great  that  it  was  impossible  to  carry  it  away, 
and  the  men  were  cautioned  against  loading 
themselves  down  with  heavy  weights  that  might 
prove  their  destruction.  The  wiser  among  them 
chose  pearls  and  precious  stones,  with  only  such 
a  small  quantity  of  gold  as  they  could  easily 
carry;  the  more  avaricious  could  not  turn  their 
backs  on  the  shining  heap  of  metal,  but  weighted 
themselves  until  they  could  hardly  move.  The 

272 


The  Sorrowful  Night  273 


hour  fixed  for  departing,  was  midnight  on  the 
thirtieth  of  June. 

To  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  with  the  captains 
Antonio  de  Quinones,  Francisco  de  Acevedo, 
Francisco  de  Lugo,  Diego  de  Ordaz,  and  Andres 
de  Tapia,  was  assigned  the  vanguard,  composed 
of  two  hundred  foot-soldiers  and  twenty  horse- 
men. They  were  charged  with  one  of  the  most 
important  duties  of  the  march,  namely  the  laying 
down  of  the  portable  bridge  wherever  the  ditches 
in  the  causeway  had  not  been  filled  in.  This 
bridge  was  carried  by  four  hundred  Tlascalans 
who  were  under  the  protection  of  fifty  soldiers 
commanded  by  a  captain,  Magarino.  Cortes 
took  command  of  the  centre  division  of  his 
forces,  with  Alonso  de  Avila,  Cristobal  de  Olid, 
and  Velasquez  de  Tapia  as  captains  under  him. 
Two  hundred  and  fifty  Tlascalans,  protected  by 
forty  shield-bearers,  dragged  the  artillery  in  this 
division,  in  which  were  the  baggage,  the  treas- 
ure, the  prisoners,  and  the  women.  The  latter 
comprised  Marina  and  two  of  Montezuma's 
daughters  who  were  placed  under  a  guard  com- 
posed of  thirty  Spaniards  and  three  hundred 
auxiliaries;  two  sons  of  Montezuma,  the  young 
King  of  Texcoco,  and  a  few  others  who  had  es- 
caped the  general  execution  that  afternoon,  were 
among  the  prisoners.  The  rear-guard,  under 
command  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado  and  Juan  Velas- 
quez de  Leon,  was  composed  of  the  main  body  of 
infantry  and  most  of  the  force  of  cavalry. 
18 


274  Fernando  Cortes 

/ 

The  night  was  dark  with  a  drizzling  rain. 
Leaving  fires  lighted,  the  troop  cautiously 
emerged  at  the  hour  of  midnight  into  the  de- 
serted streets  of  the  sleeping  city,  making  its 
way  as  silently  as  possible  along  the  street  lead- 
ing to  the  Tlacopan  causeway.  Magarino  and 
his  men  had  placed  their  bridge  over  the  first 
ditch  and  the  vanguard  and  artillery  had  passed 
safely  over  when,  out  of  the  darkness,  was  heard 
a  cry  of  alarm  that  was  quickly  taken  up  by 
other  Mexican  sentinels,  and  in  a  moment  the 
city  was  roused.  The  priests,  keeping  watch  at 
the  sacred  fires  on  the  teocalli,  began  to  beat 
the  sacred  drum  whose  lugubrious  roll  could  be 
heard  for  miles.  From  all  sides  the  Aztec  war- 
riors fell  upon  their  escaping  foes,  the  surface 
of  the  lake  on  both  sides  of  the  causeway  be- 
came alive  with  light  canoes,  darting  hither  and 
thither,  from  which  volleys  of  arrows  and  sling 
stones  were  discharged  into  the  now  disordered 
mass  of  panic-stricken  fugitives.  The  bridge, 
upon  which  their  safety  so  greatly  depended, 
was  found  to  be  wedged  fast  and  immovable 
after  the  passage  of  so  many  horses  and  heavy 
guns,  while  at  the  second  ditch,  the  people  in 
the  fore  were  being  driven  into  the  water  by 
the  pressure  of  the  oncoming  multitude  from 
behind.  Terror  banished  discipline  and  the  re- 
treat became  a  mad  scramble  for  safety,  in  which 
each  one  thought  only  of  himself.  The  second 
ditch  became  quickly  choked  with  guns,  bag- 


The  Sorrowful  Night  275 


gage,  dead  bodies  of  men  and  horses,  over  which 
the  later  comers  sought  to  struggle  to  the  op- 
posite side.  Cortes,  leaving  those  of  his  own 
people  who  had  managed  to  cross  the  second 
ditch,  returned  to  the  scene  of  confusion  to  lend 
what  assistance  he  might  to  the  rear-guard. 
Many  of  those  who  fell  into  the  water  met  a  more 
terrible  fate  than  mere  drowning,  being  seized 
by  the  Mexicans  and  carried  off  in  their  canoes 
to  die  on  the  stone  of  sacrifice.  The  third  ditch 
was  still  spanned  by  a  single  beam,  over  which 
some  of  the  more  agile  of  the  first  to  reach  it, 
were  able  to  cross,  but  the  onrush  from  behind 
was  too  great  and  the  attack  of  the  enemy  too 
fierce  to  allow  many  to  profit  by  this  narrow 
road  to  safety.  The  commander's  voice,  giving 
orders  and  seeking  to  calm  his  people,  was  lost  in 
the  uproar  of  battle,  the  shrieks  of  the  drowning, 
and  the  wild  shouts  of  the  assailants;  the  scene 
of  confusion  at  the  second  ditch  repeated  itself. 
It  was  at  this  ditch  that  Alvarado  is  alleged  to 
have  made  his  incredible  leap,  one  of  the  ex- 
ploits of  the  conquest  so  firmly  rooted  in  three 
centuries  of  tradition  and  popular  folklore  that 
no  proof,  however  lucid,  of  its  entirely  apoc- 
ryphal character  will  ever  dislodge  it.1  The  last 
of  the  baggage  and  treasure  was  here  abandoned, 
and  the  Mexicans  allowed  themselves  to  be  di- 

1Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxxviii,;  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv., 
p.  450. 


276  Fernando  Cortes 


verted  from  further  pursuit  by  their  desire  to 
collect  the  rich  spoils. 

The  dawn  that  broke  after  the  Sorrowful  Night 
found  the  remnant  of  the  army  at  Popothla,  a 
village  situated  on  the  shore  of  the  lake.  And 
what  a  sad  remnant!  Forty-six  horses  were 
dead,  the  artillery  no  longer  existed,  hardly  a 
musket  had  been  saved,  the  treasure  was  lost,  all 
the  prisoners  had  fallen,  and  the  fewr  men  who 
filed  before  the  commander,  as  he  sat  on  the 
steps  of  a  temple  1  with  unaccustomed  tears  roll- 
ing down  his  cheeks,  were  soaked  to  the  skin, 
destitute  of  arms,  and  so  caked  from  head  to  foot 
with  mud  and  the  blood  of  their  wounds,  as  to 
be  scarcely  recognisable.  The  actual  number 
of  the  dead  cannot  be  positively  known,  for 
the  figures  given  by  different  writers  are  hope- 
lessly conflicting.  Prescott,  whose  judgment  it 
is  safe  to  follow,  adopted  the  estimate  of  Gomara, 
according  to  which  four  hundred  and  fifty  Span- 
iards and  four  thousand  of  their  Indian  allies 
perished  during  the  retreat.  Cortes,  in  his 
letter  to  the  Emperor,  reduces  these  figures  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  and  two  thou- 
sand Indians,  but  his  tendency  throughout  his 
reports  was  to  minimise  his  losses.  Oviedo 2 
quoting  Juan  Cano,  one  of  the  gentlemen  pre- 

1  The  site  is  still  pointed  out  and  a  venerable  tree  stand- 
ing there  is  known  as  the  Arbol  de  la  Noche  Triste,  or 
"  Tree  of  the  Sorrowful  Night." 

2  Lib.  xxxiii.,  cap.  liv. 


The  Sorrowful  Night  277 


sent,  states  that  eleven  hundred  and  seventy 
Spaniards  and  eight  thousand  Indians  were 
killed  and  missing.  Cano's  estimate  was  made 
in  Tlascala,  and  included  all  who  fell  during  the 
whole  of  the  retreat  from  Mexico  until  safety 
was  reached  inside  the  loyal  republic,  but  his  au- 
thority is  questionable.  He  it  was  who  invented 
the  tale  that  twTo  hundred  and  seventy  men  of 
the  Spanish  garrison,  who  were  ignorant  of  the 
plan  to  march  out  of  the  city,  were  left  behind 
in  the  quarters  where,  after  surrendering  to  the 
Mexicans,  they  were  all  sacrificed.  He  does  not 
explain  how  these  men  were  kept  in  ignorance, 
while  their  comrades  departed  with  the  artillery, 
baggage,  and  all  of  the  treasure  they  could 
carry.  In  Herrera's  account  of  the  plan  to  es- 
cape from  Mexico  by  night,  the  historian  records 
that  Ojeda  was  particularly  charged  by  Cortes 
with  the  care  of  the  wounded  and  to  see  that 
no  one  was  left  behind  in  the  hurried  prepara- 
tions.1 

The  Spaniards  who  remained  behind  were 
either  unwilling  to  relinquish  the  gold  collected 
in  the  quarters  or,  failing  to  cross  the  first 
bridge,  found  themselves  driven  back  by  the 
crowd  of  Mexican  warriors  that  cut  them  off 
from  joining  their  comrades.  The  latter  ex- 
planation seems  the  more  probable.  Herrera 
fixes  their  number  at  one  hundred ;  Acosta  men- 

1  Hist.  General,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  x.,  cap.  xii. ;  Orozco  y 
Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p.  456. 


278  Fernando  Cortes 


tions  the  fact  but  gives  no  figures.  These  un- 
fortunates managed  to  hold  out  for  three  days, 
at  the  end  of  which  time  they  were  forced  by 
hunger  to  make  terms  with  the  Mexicans.  Al- 
though there  is  nowhere  an  authentic  record  of 
their  end,  there  is  little  doubt  as  to  their  fate. 
Deplorable  as  were  the  losses,  the  condition  of 
those  who  survived  the  Sorrowful  Night  and 
reached  Tacuba  was  hardly  less  discouraging,  for 
so  broken  and  exhausted  were  they  that  not  even 
in  defence  of  their  lives  did  they  seem  able  to 
raise  a  hand,  while  their  horses  could  scarcely 
stand  on  their  trembling  legs,  much  less  carry 
their  riders. 

Of  the  captains,  Francisco  de  Morla  and 
Juan  Velasquez  de  Leon  were  numbered  amongst 
the  dead.  Sandoval,  Alvarado,  Olid,  Avila,  and 
Ordaz  had  come  out  alive,  and  both  the  inter- 
preters, Marina  and  Aguilar,  were  likewise 
among  the  survivors.  The  vanguard  was  pushed 
on  to  Tacuba,  where  Cortes  overtook  them, 
collected  in  the  public  square  and  not  knowing 
whither  to  turn.  Just  outside  the  city  a  group 
of  temple  buildings  crowned  a  hilltop,  and  there 
he  decided  to  rest  his  weary  men,  though 
they  were  obliged  to  make  one  more  effort  and 
dislodge  some  Indians  who  held  possession  of 
the  buildings.  The  danger  of  another  attack 
inside  a  town,  where  the  Mexicans  wrould  have 
the  advantage  of  roofs  from  which  to  fight  and 
houses  in  which  to  taive  shelter,  admitted  of  no 


The  Sorrowful  Night  2  79 


choice.  Fortunately  the  Indian  occupants  of- 
fered no  serious  resistance  and  the  Spaniards 
were  soon  decently  lodged  within  the  court- 
yards and  buildings,  where  provisions  and  fire- 
wood were  fortunately  found.  One  whole  day 
of  blessed  respite  was  vouchsafed  the  Christians, 
during  which  they  dressed  their  wounds,  re- 
paired what  arms  and  armour  remained  to  them, 
and  obtained  some  much-needed  rest.1  The 
Aztecs  were  evidently  engaged  inside  their  city 
and  refrained  from  any  attack.  At  midnight, 
Cortes  resumed  his  march,  guided  by  a  Tlascalan 
who  professed  to  be  able  to  lead  him  to  Tlascala, 
unless  they  were  stopped;  care  was  taken  to 
leave  the  fires  burning,  the  badly  wounded  were 
carried  on  litters,  while  those  who  were  able  to 
keep  their  seats  mounted  behind  the  horsemen. 
All  went  passing  well  until  the  morning  light 
betrayed  their  whereabouts  to  their  enemies, 
who  thenceforth  gave  them  no  peace,  following 
close  on  their  rear,  and  harrassing  them  with 
piercing  yells  and  showers  of  missiles.  Pro- 
visions, there  were  none,  save  what  little  maize 
they  chanced  upon  in  the  fields,  and  even  the 
cornstalks  were  eagerly  devoured;  wild  fruits, 
especially  cherries,  were  their  mainstay  and  a 
horse  that  was  killed,  was  entirely  consumed, 
not  even  his  hide  remaining.2    One  Spaniard, 

1  The  church  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Remedios  stands 
on  this  site  and  the  statue  of  the  Virgin  kept  there  is 
believed  to  be  the  one  brought  to  Mexico  by  Cortes. 

2  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn.  L,  p.  303. 


280  Fernando  Cortes 


goaded  by  hunger  and  perhaps  infected  by  the 
cannibalism  of  the  Indians,  cut  open  a  dead 
body  and  ate  the  liver.1  Cortes  ordered  him  to 
be  hanged  on  the  spot.  During  this  painful 
retreat  many  died  of  wounds  and  exhaustion, 
others,  who  were  too  weak  to  keep  up  with  the 
main  body,  dropped  behind  only  to  be  pounced 
upon  by  the  pursuers  and  carried  off  to  be  sac- 
rificed, while  stragglers  who  wandered  too  far 
in  search  of  food  met  the  same  dismal  fate. 

In  six  days  of  such  marching  the  Spaniards 
covered  only  nine  leagues  and,  though  intermit- 
tent skirmishing  had  accompanied  their  every 
movement,  they  had  encountered  no  consider- 
able number  of  the  enemy,  until  on  the  seventh 
day,  when  they  crossed  the  ridge  of  hills  that 
shuts  in  the  valley  of  Otumba  they  beheld,  to 
their  dismay,  a  vast  body  of  troops  prepared 
to  dispute  their  advance.  This  force,  composed 
largely  of  men  from  Texcoco,  Tlacopan,  and  the 
towns  along  the  lakes,  was  commanded  by 
Cihuacoatl  and  had  been  sent  by  Cuitlahuat- 
zin  to  intercept  the  retreat  to  Tlascala,  whither 
his  spies  informed  him  the  Spaniards  were 
directing  their  march. 

Cortes  quickly  put  his  weary  men  in  order 
of  battle,  the  wounded  being  placed  in  a  hollow 
square  former  by  the  infantry.  Briefly,  but  in 
well-chosen  and  forceful  words  he  spoke  to  them ; 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p.  460. 


The  Sorrowful  Night  281 


it  was  victory  or  death  that  faced  them  all. 
From  all  sides  the  multitudes  of  warriors  rushed 
upon  the  little  company  of  Christians,  surround- 
ing, engulfing,  and  so  entirely  overwhelming 
them  that  they  no  longer  distinguished  one 
another,  nor  friend  from  foe.  For  hours  the 
battle  raged  with  varying  fortunes,  for,  although 
the  Spaniards  performed  prodigies  of  valour, 
the  numbers  of  the  enemy  were  such  that  the 
losses  inflicted  on  them  made  no  visible  dif- 
ference. Towards  midday  the  Spaniards  be- 
came disorganised  and  began  to  give  way.  The 
Aztec  commander,  who  was  carried  by  his  nobles 
in  a  litter  and  was  surrounded  by  his  body- 
guard, had  taken  his  station  on  a  hillock,  from 
whence  he  could  direct  the  movements  of  his 
troops.  There  also  floated  the  great  standard 
of  battle.  Suddenly  across  the  mind  of  Cortes 
there  flashed  the  recollection  that  the  death  of 
the  commander  and  the  capture  of  his  standard 
were  the  signal  amongst  the  Mexicans  for  a 
general  retreat.  Summoning  six  of  his  most 
trusty  captains,  he  led  a  charge  directly 
at  the  group  on  the  hill,  the  horses  forcing  a 
passage  through  the  compact  masses  of  strug- 
gling warriors.  In  an  instant  the  litter  was 
overturned,  Juan  de  Salamanca  slew  the  pro- 
strate Cihuacoatl,  and  seizing  the  standard  he 
thrust  it  into  the  hand  of  Cortes  who  raised  it 
in  sight  of  all  with  a  cry  of  victory.  The  effect 
was  instantaneous,  for  the  Mexicans,  as  though 


282  Fernando  Cortes 


stricken  with  a  sudden  panic,  fled  in  all  di- 
rections, abandoning  the  field  to  their  exhausted 
foe.  The  wine  of  victory  renewed  the  ebbing 
strength  of  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies  who, 
but  an  instant  before,  had  felt  the  faintness  of 
certain  death  chill  their  veins,  and  in  an  in- 
stant they  were  in  full  pursuit  of  the  flying 
enemy,  until  the  field  was  cleared  of  all  save 
the  dead  and  the  victors.  So  sudden  and  sot 
marvellous  was  this  victory  by  a  handful  of 
fugitives,  worn  out  with  fatigue  and  hunger  and 
weakened  by  wounds  and  discouragement,  that 
it  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  only  explicable  by 
the  direct  intervention  of  their  protecting  saints, 
Santiago  and  St.  Peter.  Even  Bernal  Diaz,  who 
on  other  occasions  had  doubted  or  at  least  had 
failed  to  perceive  the  celestial  apparitions  that 
his  companions  declared  they  beheld,  conceded 
that  on  this  occasion  supernatural  assistance 
won  the  victory.1 

The  spoils  were  sufficiently  rich  and  very  wel- 
come. The  Aztec  host  was  estimated  by  early 
Spanish  writers  to  number  two  hundred  thou- 
sand men  and  their  losses  to  have  been  twenty 
thousand;  to  the  men  engaged  in  that  day's 
fight,  no  doubt  these  figures  did  not  seem  ex- 
cessive.   That  night  Cortes  and  his  men  slept 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxxviii. ;  Gomara,  cap.  ex. ;  Sahagun, 
lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxvii.;  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  303.; 
Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  lxxiii.;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.,  lib.  x., 
cap.  xiii. 


The  Sorrowful  Night  283 


at  Apan,  and  the  next  morning,  July  8th,  they 
reached  a  fountain  of  clear  water,  where  all  drank 
and  bathed  and  refreshed  themselves  before 
crossing  the  frontier  of  the  Tlascalan  republic. 
During  the  long  march  from  Tacuba,  Cortes  had 
been  assailed  by  doubts  as  to  the  reception  that 
awaited  him  in  Tlascala,  where  the  news  of  the 
Sorrowful  Night  would  have  preceded  him  and 
where  he  arrived,  no  longer  as  a  conquering 
teule,  invincible,  if  not  immortal,  but  as  a 
wretched  fugitive  who,  after  leading  thousands 
of  Tlascalan  warriors  to  their  death  in  the 
Aztec  capital,  now  craved  shelter  and  succour 
from  the  republic.  At  Hueyothlipan,  the  first 
Tlascalan  town  after  crossing  the  boundary,  he 
learned  his  first  lesson  of  Tlascalan  loyalty; 
hospitably  received  and  cared  for,  he  was  al- 
most immediately  visited  by  the  four  aged  rulers 
of  the  republic  who  came  from  the  capital  to 
welcome  and  console  him.  Mingled  with  their 
words  of  comfort  were  gentle  reproaches  and 
reminders  of  their  warnings  to  him  of  Mexican 
treachery  and  perfidy.  They  renewed  their  offer 
of  a  perpetual  alliance  and  were  already  plan- 
ning vengeance  for  the  losses  they  had  sustained. 
Cortes  and  the  Tlascalan  chiefs  were  made  to 
understand  one  another;  their  tempers  were  of 
the  same  metal,  for  the  effect  of  defeat  upon 
both  him  and  them  was  to  confirm  the  determi- 
nation to  conquer.  .  Leaving  Hueyothlipan,  the 
Spaniards  repaired  to  the  capital  where  an 


284  Fernando  Cortes 


abundance  of  provisions  was  furnished,  and  such 
care  for  the  wounded  as  the  simple  pharmacy 

of  these  rude  mountaineers  could  offer  was 
supplied. 

This  second  entrance  of  Cortes  and  his  men 
into  the  chief  city  of  Tlascala  was  marked  by 
as  great  demonstrations  of  amity  and  enthusi- 
asm as  had  greeted  him  on  the  occasion  of  his 
first  reception  there.  Through  the  chorus  of 
welcome  there  sounded,  however,  a  minor  chord 
of  sorrow,  for  of  all  the  hosts  of  Tlascala  that 
had  gone  forth  to  Mexico  in  his  train,  many 
were  missing  among  the  sadly  diminished  troop 
of  returning  braves.  The  women  of  Tlascala 
crowded  around,  seeking  their  husbands,  sons, 
and  brothers,  only  to  break  forth  into  shrill 
wailings  or  to  turn  aside,  convulsed  with  silent 
grief  when  those  they  sought  were  not  found. 
Cortes  was  deeply  afflicted  at  witnessing,  help- 
lessly, these  demonstrations  of  grief  and,  through 
his  interpreters  he  sought,  as  far  as  words  could 
do  so,  to  console  them.1 

Thirty  days  of  repose  within  the  hospitable 
city  did  much  towards  restoring  the  wasted 
forces  of  the  men  and  healing  their  wounds. 
Cortes  wrote  that  he  lost  two  fingers  of  his  left 
hand,  but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  this 
passage  in  his  letter  to  Charles  V.  was  either  in- 
accurately expressed  or  has  since  been  miscopied. 

1  Sahagun,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxvii. ;  Bernal  Diaz,  cap. 
cxxviii. 


The  Sorrowful  Night  285 


It  is  probably  the  fact  that  he  lost  the  use  of  two 
fingers.1  A  bad  wound  on  his  head  necessitated 
the  removal  of  a  piece  of  bone  and  brought  on 
a  severe  fever,  over  which  his  magnificent  con- 
stitution fortunately  triumphed.  Four  men 
died  and  many  others  remained  lamed  or 
maimed  for  life. 

During  this  period  of  recuperation,  the  news 
of  several  disasters  reached  Cortes,  proving  that 
the  recent  reverses  suffered  in  Mexico  had  not 
been  without  their  influence  in  other  parts  of 
the  country.  Forty-five  Spaniards  from  Vera 
Cruz,  who  had  undertaken  to  bring  certain  treas- 
ure that  he  had  deposited  in  Tlascala  to  Mexico, 
had  been  intercepted  and  massacred  on  the  road ; 
another  party,  consisting  of  twelve  men,  had 
been  surprised  and  slaughtered  by  the  natives 
of  Tepeaca,  a  province  that  bordered  on  Tlas- 
cala, while  from  all  sides  unwelcome  evidences 
of  his  fallen  prestige  accumulated.  A  messenger 
whom  he  sent  to  Vera  Cruz  returned,  bearing  a 
letter  from  the  captain  there,  conveying  the  en- 
couraging news  that  the  little  colony  had  suf- 
fered no  reverses  and  that  the  Totonac  tribes 
remained  faithful  to  their  alliance. 

It  is  significant  of  the  unfaltering  determina- 
tion of  Cortes  to  persist  in  his  mission  of  con- 
quest that,  amidst  circumstances  well  calculated 
to  dishearten  the  bravest  and  which  would  cer- 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  307;  Orozco  y  Berra, 
torn,  iv.,  p.  464. 


286  Fernando  Cortes 


tainly  have  warranted  his  relinquishing,  or  at 
least  postponing  plans  for  further  hostilities,  it 
seems  never  to  have  even  occurred  to  him  that 
there  was  any  other  course  open,  than  to  reorgan- 
ise his  force  and  resume  his  efforts  to  sub- 
jugate the  Mexicans.  He  solemnly  renewed  his 
pact  with  the  rulers  of  Tlascala,  forming  an 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  in  which  both 
the  obligations  of  each  of  the  contracting  parties 
and  the  compensations  to  be  given  the  Tlas- 
calans  for  their  services  were  clearly  defined. 
In  the  name  of  his  sovereign  and  of  the  Crown 
of  Castile,  Cortes  promised  that  Cholula  and 
certain  other  towns  should  be  ceded  to  the  re- 
public; that  Tlascalan  warriors  should  garrison 
the  fortress,  to  be  constructed  in  Mexico  when 
the  city  should  be  taken,  and  that  all  citizens 
of  the  republic,  their  descendants  and  successors 
forever,  should  be  free  from  every  form  of  tax- 
ation and  tribute.  Other  promises  of  minor 
importance  were  included  in  the  articles  of  this 
treaty,  of  which  the  Tlascalans  were  faithfully 
observant,  both  in  the  spirit  and  the  letter, 
while  the  Spaniards  violated  every  pledge  they 
had  given.  Cortes  did,  indeed,  remember  to  ob- 
tain from  Charles  V.,  in  1528,  a  decree  exempt- 
ing the  Tlascalans  from  taxation,  but  even  this 
concession  proved  illusory  and  ephemeral.  That 
once  hardy  people  was  gradually  dispersed  and 
lost  its  separate  identity,  while  of  its  once 
flourishing  capital  hardly  a  vestige  remains, — ■ 


The  Sorrowful  Night  287 


a  squalid  village  of  poverty-stricken  Indians. 
This  people  forsook  their  own  race  and  threw 
in  their  part  with  the  invading  stranger.  With- 
out their  aid,  Cortes  could  not  have  conquered 
Mexico.  Their  motives  were  hatred  and  long- 
ing for  revenge,  both  of  which  were  gratified 
by  their  ally,  though  their  own  state  was  en- 
gulfed in  the  general  downfall  of  the  peoples 
of  Anahuac.  The  conditions  of  the  solemn  pact 
were  ignored  and,  once  their  services  were  no 
longer  required,  the  claims  of  the  Tlascalan  re- 
public to  a  share  in  the  fruits  of  the  victory 
they  so  largely  contributed  to  achieve  were 
relegated  to  oblivion. 

"  5)cr  9ttoor  Ijat  [cine  ©cfjulbtgfett  getljcm, 
©er  ffioox  fann  gdjen," 

While  the  mind  of  Cortes  was  busy  with 
new  schemes  and  plans  for  his  future  cam- 
paign, many  of  his  followers  were  absorbed 
in  reflections  of  a  different  complexion.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  a  large  number  of 
them,  perhaps  even  the  majority  amongst  the 
survivors,  wTere  those  who  had  joined  Cortes 
after  the  defeat  of  Narvaez.  These  men  had 
been  hurried  from  Vera  Cruz  up  to  Mexico, 
where  they  found  themselves  plunged  into 
the  sufferings  and  horrors  of  such  fighting 
as  they  had  never  conceived  and  in  the  course 
of  which  a  good  part  of  their  comrades  had 
perished,  while  the  survivors  only  reached  safety 


288  Fernando  Cortes 


in  Tlascala  after  a  desperate  retreat  they  were 
not  likely  soon  to  forget.  From  the  date  of 
their  entrance  into  the  Aztec  capital,  where 
their  dreams  of  wealth  and  conquest  promised 
to  be  realised,  until  the  morning  when  the  way- 
worn remnant  of  that  dashing  troop  staggered 
wounded  and  bleeding  over  the  Tlascalan  fron- 
tier, barely  a  fortnight  had  elapsed,  but  within 
that  brief  period  they  had  endured  and  suf- 
fered enough  for  a  lifetime. 

Many  of  these  men  were  not  properly  soldiers 
at  all;  they  were  planters  and  well-to-do  colo- 
nists in  the  Islands,  who  had  joined  Narvaez's 
expedition,  tempted  by  the  prospect  of  increas- 
ing their  patrimony  by  a  lucky  venture  in 
Mexico.  Their  inclinations  recalled  them  to  the 
scene  of  their  interests,  and  those  who  had  sur- 
vived that  awful  adventure  were  prepared  to 
thankfully  return  to  the  more  modest  but  less 
perilous  methods  of  fortune-hunting  with  which 
they  were  familiar  in  Cuba. 

By  the  first  of  August  Cortes  was  sufficiently 
recovered  from  his  wounds  to  think  seriously  of 
beginning  active  operations.  While  the  Tlas- 
calan rulers  and  nobles  were  ready  to  support 
him,  the  common  people  grumbled  as  loudly  as 
his  own  men.  To  quell  the  rising  discontent 
and  furnish  occupation  that  might  silence  their 
complaints,  Cortes  announced  a  punitive  ex- 
pedition into  the  neighbouring  province  of 
Tepeaca,  where  the  inhabitants  had  murdered 


The  Sorrowful  Night 


289 


the  Spaniards  on  their  way  from  Vera  Cruz, 
and  where  there  were  garrisons  of  Mexicans 
which  he  thought  it  wise  to  disperse.  The  idea 
of  undertaking  a  new  campaign  or  another  as- 
sault on  the  Mexicans  seemed  to  the  malcon- 
tents, neither  more  nor  less  than  a  form  of 
madness  and,  seeing  that  their  not  unreason- 
able arguments  against  these  courses  exerted 
no  influence  on  their  commander's  decision,  they 
drew  up  a  written  statement  in  which,  after 
reviewing  their  situation  and  pointing  out  the 
rashness  of  continuing  the  war,  they  demanded 
to  be  led  back  to  Vera  Cruz  immediately. 

This  document  was  read  to  Cortes  by  a  notary 
public,  and  his  old  friend  and  ally,  Andres  de 
Duero,  headed  the  deputation  that  presented  it. 
Cortes  was  inflexible;  he  declared  that  For- 
tune always  favoured  the  daring,  and  that  as 
they  were  Christians,  they  must  confide  in  the 
mercy  of  God,  Who  would  never  permit  them  to 
perish ;  the  war  must  be  continued  and  the  coun- 
try reconquered,  because  to  abandon  it  now  would 
be  disgraceful  to  himself,  dangerous  to  his  men, 
and  treasonable  to  their  King;  he  had  taken 
his  determination  to  renew  hostilities  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment  and  with  greater  vigour 
than  before,1  and  he  forbade  any  one  to  men- 
tion the  subject  again  in  his  presence;  in  conclu- 
sion he  gave  leave  to  all  who  wished  to  desert 
him,  to  do  so,  for  he  preferred  to  have  few  but 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  i.,  p.  306. 
19 


2QO 


Fernando  Cortes 


brave  men,  than  many  false  or  cowardly  ones. 
As  usual,  he  struck  the  right  chord  and  the 
veterans  rallied  at  once  to  support  their  leader 
so  that,  partly  owing  to  his  energy  and  partly 
to  the  taunts  and  jibes  of  those  faithful  to  him, 
the  disaffected  party  was  silenced  and  agreed 
to  remain,  at  least  for  the  present.  It  is  evident 
that  few,  if  any,  of  the  companions  of  Cortes 
understood  him;  his  admirers,  wiio  were  ready 
to  follow  him  anywhere,  were  attracted  by  the 
magnetism  which,  as  a  born  leader,  he  exercised 
powerfully  over  just  such  men  as  they.  He 
was  their  alter  ego,  in  whom  they  beheld  re- 
flected their  own  daring  aspirations  but  united 
to  powers  of  command  as  alien  to  their  inferior 
abilities,  as  they  were  necessary  to  the  success 
of  their  wild  undertakings. 

Cortes  was  indeed  daring,  but  he  was  never 
rash. 

His  seemingly  spontaneous  decisions  were,  in 
reality,  the  result  of  plans  carefully  formed,  of 
cautious  calculations  that  seemed  to  take  cog- 
nisance of  every  emergency,  to  forestall  every 
risk.  In  the  execution  of  his  designs  he  was 
relentless,  hence  the  unmerited  reputation  for 
cruelty  that  has  obscured  his  really  kindly  in- 
stincts and  many  generous  deeds.  Both  his 
resolution  and  his  perseverance  were  implacable, 
and  those  who  did  not  willingly  bend  to  his  will 
were  made  to  break.  Sois  mon  frere  ou  je  te 
tue,  not  inaccurately  describes  his  attitude  to 


The  Sorrowful  Night  291 


those  who  crossed  his  path.  His  equanimity  was 
never  disturbed  by  misfortune,  and,  as  he  sus- 
tained success  without  undue  elation,  so  did  he 
support  reverses  with  fortitude ;  defeat  might  be 
a  momentary  check  but  was  never  accepted  as 
final.  Besides  being  compared  with  Julius 
Caesar  as  a  general,  he  has  been  ranked  with 
Augustus  and  Charles  V.  as  a  statesman,  nor 
does  he  unduly  suffer  from  such  lofty  com- 
parisons, for  he  unquestionably  possessed  many 
of  the  qualities  essential  to  greatness,  in  com- 
mon with  them.  He  ruled  his  motley  band 
with  a  happy  mixture  of  genial  comradeship  and 
inflexible  discipline  and  hence  succeeded,  where 
an  excess  of  either  the  one  or  the  other  would 
have  brought  failure.  He  knew  when  and  whom 
to  trust  and,  though  he  wTas  ready  with  his 
friendship,  he  avoided  favouritism,  with  the  con- 
sequence that  his  men  were  united  by  the  bond 
of  a  common  trust  in  their  commander. 


CHAPTER  XII 


REINFORCEMENTS  AND  A  NEW  CAMPAIGN 

Montezuma's  Successor — Campaigning  in  Tepeaca — 
Founding  of  Segura  de  la  Frontera — Reinforcements 
Second  Letter  of  Relation — Death  of  Maxixcatzin — 
The  Brigantines — Ordinances — Headquarters  at  Tex- 
coco. 

AFTER  the  death  of  Montezuma,  Cuitlahuatzin 
of  Iztapalapan,  who  had  been  in  command 
of  the  rising  against  the  Spaniards,  assumed 
the  chieftainship  and  three  months  later  (Aztec 
calendar)  he  was  elected  Emperor.  His  coro- 
nation was  celebrated  with  the  customary  solem- 
nities, the  prisoners  taken  on  the  Sorrowful 
Night,  both  Spaniards  and  Tlascalans,  serving 
as  victims  for  the  sacrifices.  The  newly  elected 
sovereign  had  to  cope  with  a  situation  bristling 
with  difficulties — dissensions  within,  insubordi- 
nation in  the  tributary  provinces,  the  enemy 
without  and,  finally,  and  most  terrible  of  all, 
the  smallpox,  that  raged  throughout  the  country. 
To  this  dread  pest,  called  by  the  Aztecs  teoza- 
huatl,  Cuitlahuac  fell  a  victim,  dying  after  a 
brief  reign  of  eighty  days,  on  November  25,  1520. 
During  this  period  he  had  exerted  every  effort 
to  unite  all  the  forces  of  Mexico  against  the 
common  enemy,  sending  embassies  to  friends 
and  foes  alike,  urging  that  old  differences  be 

292 


A  New  Campaign  293 


buried  for  the  moment  and  that  all  should  make 
common  cause  to  expel  or  destroy  the  strangers. 

He  found  a  supporter  in  Xicotencatl  who, 
like  himself,  had  never  believed  in  the  semi- 
divine  character  of  the  teules,  but  had  from 
the  first  distrusted  them  and  counselled  their 
destruction.  Maxixcatzin  withstood  Xicotencatl 
in  the  Tlascalan  senate  when  the  embassy 
from  Mexico  appeared,  proposing  an  alliance; 
an  acrimonious  dispute  ensued,  in  the  course 
of  which  the  old  senator  struck  the  young 
general  and  knocked  him  down  the  steps  of  the 
rostrum.  Maxixcatzin  profited  by  the  divided 
opinions  to  impose  his  decision,  and  the  am- 
bassadors hurriedly  withdrew  to  report  their 
failure  to  their  sovereign. 

The  importance  to  the  Spaniards  of  the  re- 
jection of  Cuitlahuatzin's  overtures  to  the  Tlas- 
calans,  cannot  be  overestimated.  Had  Maxix- 
catzin not  prevailed  over  the  eloquence  of 
General  Xicotencatl,  Cortes  would  have  found 
himself  in  a  situation  that  would  have  taxed 
even  his  courage  and  ingenuity  beyond  their 
powers.  He  recognised  his  debt  to  the  venerable 
regent  and  paid  him  a  visit,  for  the  express 
purpose  of  thanking  him  for  his  magnificent 
demonstration  of  fidelity. 

The  campaign  against  the  Indians  of  Tepeaca 
having  been  decided  upon,  the  Tlascalans  fur- 
nished fifty  thousand  warriors  led  by  nobles 
chosen  from  the  four  states  of  the  republic. 


294  Fernando  Cortes 


Cortes  promised  the  states  of  Cholula  and 
Huexotzinco  to  the  republic  in  recompense  for 
the  assistance  furnished  him.1  The  Spanish 
force  numbered  seventeen  horsemen  and  four 
hundred  foot-soldiers.  The  natives  of  Tepeaca 
were  a  warlike  people  of  Aztec  blood  and  were 
subjects  of  Montezuma,  hence  Cortes,  accord- 
ing to  his  theory,  was  leading  an  expedition 
against  Spanish  subjects  who  were  in  open 
rebellion  against  the  King.  Montezuma  hav- 
ing acknowledged  himself  a  vassal  of  the  Crown 
and  having  enjoined  upon  all  his  subjects  to 
transfer  their  allegiance  and  pay  their  taxes 
to  Cortes,  as  the  representative  of  the  King 
of  Spain,  it  logically  followed  that  the  Tepe- 
acans  were  in  revolt,  and  must  be  reduced 
to  order  and  obedience.  A  summons  to  submit 
having  met  with  a  defiant  answer,  the  first 
battle  was  fought  near  Zacatepec  and,  although 
the  Tepeacans  and  their  allies  of  Cholula  and 
Huexotzinco  made  a  gallant  stand,  they  were 
overcome  and  routed  with  great  loss.  The 
historian  Herrera  relates  that  the  Tlascalans 
supped  that  night  off  the  legs  and  arms  of  their 
enemies,  which  they  roasted  on  spits,  and  that 
no  less  than  fifty  thousand  cauldrons  of  human 
flesh  stewed  over  their  camp-fires.  Cortes  had 
forbidden  human  sacrifices  and  discouraged 
cannibalism,  but  the  hosts  of  his  allies  were 

1  Ixtlilxochitl,  Historia  Chichimeca,  cap.  xc. ;  Motolinia 
in  Icazbalceta,  pars  iii.,  cap.  xvi. 


A  New  Campaign  295 


beyond  his  control  and  their  commissariat  was 
provisioned  according  to  their  own  barbarous 
custom.1 

Town  after  town  fell  rapidly  before  the  in- 
vaders until  the  capital  was  taken,  sacked,  and 
its  inhabitants  sold  as  slaves.  The  Spaniards 
selected  the  women  and  the  boys,  while  the 
men  fell  to  the  share  of  the  Tlascalans,  who 
were  well  pleased  by  the  fidelity  of  their  ally  to 
his  promises.  On  the  site  of  the  capital,  a 
Spanish  town  was  founded  to  which  the  name 
of  Segura  de  la  Frontera  was  given.  The 
position  was  well  chosen,  both  as  a  strategical 
base  and  for  keeping  open  the  line  of  com- 
munication with  Vera  Cruz  and  the  coast. 
From  this  point  of  vantage,  Cortes  next  pro- 
ceeded to  the  reduction  of  the  town  of  Quauh- 
quechollan  (or  Guacachula  as  the  Spaniards 
called  it),  a  place  so  admirably  situated  and 
strongly  fortified  as  to  be  considered  well- 
nigh  impregnable.  The  town  lay  some  five 
leagues  to  the  south-west  of  Segura  de  la  Fron- 
tera and,  in  addition  to  its  population  of  thirty 
thousand  people,  it  was  garrisoned  by  an 
important  force  of  Mexican  warriors.  The 
arrogance  and  exactions  of  the  Aztecs  bred 
treachery  amongst  the  inhabitants,  and  the  ca- 
cique of  the  place  sent,  offering  to  betray  the 
city  and  formulating  a  plan  by  which  this 

1Bernaldino  Vasquez  de  Tapia,  torn,  ii.,  p.  58;  Orozco 
y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p.  477. 


296  Fernando  Cortes 


might  be  successfully  accomplished.  Guaca- 
chula  'fell,  and  the  spoil  of  the  Aztec  camp, 
which  was  unusually  rich,  was  shared  with  the 
allies.  Dividing  his  forces,  Cortes  next  sent 
expeditions  in  various  directions  to  reduce  the 
minor  villages  and  disperse  the  Aztec  camps, 
with  the  result  that  the  whole  of  the  fertile 
region  lying  between  Popocatepetl  on  the  west 
and  Orizaba  on  the  east  submitted  to  the  Span- 
iards. Not  only  was  his  prestige  re-established, 
his  influence  over  the  natives  augmented,  but 
he  had  attached  his  allies  to  him  by  a  display 
of  consideration  and  generosity  that  was 
irresistible. 

Fortune,  as  Cortes  had  assured  his  wavering 
men,  favours  the  daring,  and  something  of  his 
own  spirit  had  evidently  communicated  itself 
to  his  lieutenants,  inspiring  them  with  the  same 
audacity  and  cunning  he  was  wont  to  display. 
At  this  time  there  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  a 
vessel  sent  by  Diego  Velasquez,  carrying  thir- 
teen soldiers  under  command  of  Pedro  Barba, 
who  brought  letters  from  the  governor  to 
Narvaez.  Pedro  Caballero,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed captain  of  the  port,  visited  the  ship 
and,  in  reply  to  the  commander's  inquiries  as 
to  the  success  of  Narvaez,  assured  him  that 
the  latter  was  in  command  while  Cortes,  with  a 
handful  of  his  followers,  was  a  fugitive  from 
justice.  Suspecting  nothing,  Barba  landed  his 
men  and  two  horses,  but  no  sooner  were  they 


A  New  Campaign  297 


on  shore  than  Caballero  declared  them  his 
prisoners;  he  brought  everything  of  value  off 
their  ship  which  he  then  burned,  after  which 
he  despatched  the  entire  company  to  Tepeaca, 
where  Cortes  gave  them  an  enthusiastic  wel- 
come, loading  the  men  with  presents,  embracing 
Barba  as  an  old  friend  and  enrolling  them  all  un- 
der his  standard.  No  resistance  was  offered  and 
Barba  was  made  a  captain. 

Eight  days  later,  the  same  stratagem  was  suc- 
cessfully operated  on  Rodrigo  Morejon  and  his 
eight  men,  who  arrived  with  some  welcome  pro- 
vision of  guns  and  stores.  Francisco  de  Garay, 
who  was  renewing  his  efforts  to  colonise  in  the 
Panuco  region,  had  sent  a  fleet  of  three  caravels 
under  Diego  Camargo  to  found  a  settlement. 
This  expedition  was  composed  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  seven  of  whom  brought  their  own 
horses,  and  was  provided  with  artillery  and 
and  other  necessary  stores.  After  disastrous 
encounters  with  the  Indians  and  the  loss  of 
two  of  the  ships,  the  survivors  of  this  company 
reached  Vera  Cruz  and  were  promptly  marched 
off  to  join  the  camp  in  Tepeaca.  A  fourth  ship 
of  Garay's  that  had  been  sent  to  look  for  the 
missing  three,  after  failing  to  discover  them,  like- 
wise put  in  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  entire  equip- 
ment, numbering  fifty  soldiers  and  seven  cavalry 
besides  the  sailors,  went  to  swell  the  growing 
forces  at  Tepeaca. 

Francisco  de  Garay  deserved  to  succeed,  for, 


298  Fernando  Cortes 


not  discouraged  by  the  disappearance  of  his 
four  ships,  he  despatched  still  another,  carrying 
one  hundred  and  twenty  foot-soldiers  and  four- 
teen horsemen.  Upon  their  arrival  at  Vera 
Cruz,  it  was  made  clear  ,to  them  that  the  settle- 
ment at  Panuco  was  a  failure,  the  Indians 
hostile,  and  the  project  impossible.  They  forth- 
with marched  to  Tepeaca  and  joined  the  army 
of  the  conquerors.  More  or  less  authentic  news 
of  the  events  in  Mexico  had  spread  to  the 
Spanish  colonies  in  the  Islands,  and  the  cap- 
tain of  a  Spanish  ship  just  arrived  in  Cuba 
with  a  cargo  of  arms,  ammunitions,  and  general 
stores  for  the  settlements  in  America,  decided 
that  Mexico  was  his  best  market  and  forthwith 
sailed  for  Vera  Cruz.  The  captain  of  the  port 
bought  the  entire  cargo,  and  some  of  the  crew, 
fired  by  the  gossip  of  the  settlement  concerning 
the  events  in  the  interior,  deserted  and  made 
their  way  to  the  Spanish  quarters  at  Segura 
de  la  Frontera. 

The  hostilities  in  Tepeaca  had  meanwhile  been 
succeeded  by  tranquillity;  the  policy  of  merci- 
lessly punishing  all  who  resisted  and  of  wel- 
coming with  open  arms  and  flattering  speeches 
those  who  yielded  peaceably  had  produced  its 
natural  result.  From  Segura  de  la  Frontera, 
Cortes  wrote  his  second  Carta  de  Relation  to 
Charles  V.,  in  which  he  gave  the  Emperor  a 
full  description  of  all  that  had  happened.  In 
this  letter  which  bore  the  date  of  October  30, 


A  New  Campaign  299 


1520,  he  announced  that  he  had  given  to  the 
country  he  was  conquering  the  name  of  New 
Spain  of  the  Ocean  Sea,  for  which  he  begged 
the  Emperor's  gracious  sanction.1  The  name 
did  not,  however,  originate  with  him,  for  Juan 
de  Grijalba  had  already  applied  it  to  the  coun- 
try during  his  expedition  along  the  coast  from 
Cozumel  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua  in  1518. 

Cortes  owed  not  a  little  of  his  rapidly  in- 
creasing authority  over  the  natives  to  the 
ravages  of  the  smallpox.  The  Indians  recog- 
nised the  right  of  conquest;  to  be  ruled  by  the 
strong  was,  in  their  eyes,  to  be  ruled  by  the 
right  man  and,  as  hitherto  they  had  passed 
unprotestingly  from  the  dominion  of  one  tyrant 
to  that  of  another,  so  did  they  accept  their 
new  ruler,  once  his  power  was  established. 
They  referred  their  local  affairs  to  his  judg- 
ment, they  brought  their  disputes  to  him  for 
settlement  and,  as  many  of  their  chiefs  and 
nobles  had  died  of  smallpox  and  there  were 
cases  of  disputed  succession,  these  were  like- 
wise voluntarily  submitted  to  his  arbitration. 
Not  only  was  he  supreme  military  commander,  to 
whom  the  provinces  supplied  levies  of  troops,  but 
he  likewise  exercised  the  same  civil  jurisdiction 

1  This  letter  was  first  printed  in  Seville  by  Juan  Cron- 
berger  on  the  eighth  of  November,  1522.  It  is  known  in 
the  collection  of  his  letters  as  the  Second  Relation.  Letters 
of  Cortes  to  Charles  V.  English  translation  by  F.  A. 
MacNutt,  New  York,  1908. 


300  Fernando  Cortes 


as  Montezuma  liad  done  in  the  days  of  his  su- 
premacy and  by  identically  the  same  title — the 
right  of  conquest. 

The  smallpox  numbered  among  its  victims 
the  venerable  Maxixcatzin,  by  whose  death 
Cortes  lost  his  firmest  friend  in  Tlascala.  The 
news  that  the  chief  wTas  stricken  down,  first 
came  from  the  ship's  carpenter,  Martin  Lopez, 
who  had  been  sent  to  the  city  to  begin  the 
construction  of  the  brigantines.  Maxixcatzin 
expressed  a  wish  to  die  a  Christian  and  Lopez 
sent  his  message  to  Cortes,  who  immediately 
despatched  Fray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo  to  ad- 
minister both  the  first  and  the  last  rites  of  the 
Catholic  Church  to  the  dying  chief.  He  wore 
mourning  for  his  dead  friend,  and  amidst  the 
celebrations  and  demonstrations  that  greeted 
his  triumphal  return  to  Tlascala,  the  loss  he 
had  suffered  weighed  heavily  on  his  spirits. 
His  first  care  was  to  recognise  the  young  son 
of  the  deceased  chieftain,  a  lad  of  thirteen 
years,  as  heir  to  his  father's  rank  and  estates, 
causing  him  also  to  be  baptised  a  Christian 
and  enrolled  as  a  Spanish  knight.  Prescott 
observes  that  this  was  probably  the  first  in- 
stance of  knighthood  being  conferred  on  an 
American  Indian.1  The  boy  took  the  name  of 
Lorenzo  and  became  known  thenceforward  as 
Don  Lorenzo  Maxixcatzin. 

Experience  had  shown  Cortes  that  a  most 

1  Conquest  of  Mexico,  torn,  iii.,  p.  407. 


A  New  Campaign  301 


valuable  auxiliary  to  his  military  operations 
against  the  city  of  Mexico  would  be  a  fleet  of 
ships,  and  while  still  at  Segura  de  la  Frontera, 
he  had  sent  Martin  Lopez  back  to  Tlascala 
with  orders  to  begin  the  construction  of  thir- 
teen brigantines,  on  much  the  same  lines  as 
those  he  had  built  for  Montezuma.  His  own 
account  in  his  second  letter  to  the  Emperor  is 
the  best  that  could  be  given  of  his  activity 
during  this  period  of  preparation  for  the  great 
war. 

I  sent  four  ships  to  the  island  of  Hispaniola 
that  they  might  return  quickly  with  horses  and 
people  for  our  assistance;  and  I  likewise  sent  to 
buy  four  others,  so  that  they  might  bring  from 
the  island  of  Hispaniola,  and  the  city  of  San  Do- 
mingo, horses  and  horsemen,  bows,  and  powder, 
because  these  are  what  we  most  need  in  these  parts. 
Foot-soldiers  armed  with  shields  are  of  little  serv- 
ice, on  account  of  the  great  number  of  people  and 
their  having  so  great  and  such  strong  cities  and 
forts.  I  therefore  wrote  to  the  licentiate,  Rodrigo 
de  Figueroa,  and  to  Your  Highness's  officials  in 
the  said  island,  asking  them  to  favour  and  assist 
me  as  much  as  possible,  as  it  was  of  such  import- 
ance to  Your  Highness's  service,  and  to  the  security 
of  our  lives,  since,  on  the  arrival  of  this  help, 
I  intended  to  return  against  the  capital  and  its 
country;  and  I  believe,  as  I  have  already  told  Your 
Majesty,  that  it  will  again  in  a  short  time  return 
to  the  condition  in  which  I  had  it  before,  and  that 
the  past  losses  will  be  made  good.    Meanwhile  I 


302  Fernando  Cortes 


am  engaged  in  building  twelve  brigantines  to  launch 
on  the  lake,  and  already  they  are  making  the  deck- 
ing and  other  parts  of  them,  because  they  have  to 
be  carried  overland,  so  that  on  their  arrival  they 
may  be  joined  and  completed  in  a  short  time. 
Nails  are  also  being  made  for  them,  and  the  pitch, 
sails,  tow,  oars,  and  other  things  which  are  neces- 
sary are  being  got  ready.  I  assure  Your  Majesty 
that  until  I  achieve  this  end,  I  shall  take  no  rest, 
nor  shall  I  cease  to  strive  in  every  possible  way 
and  manner  for  it,  disregarding  all  the  danger  and 
trouble,  and  cost,  that  may  come  upon  me. 

History  hardly  records  a  greater  tour  de 
force  than  the  construction,  transport,  and 
launching  of  these  brigantines;  the  glory  of  the 
conception  belongs  to  Cortes,  but  the  credit  for 
its  execution  was  due  to  the  Tlascalans.  Martin 
Lopez  was  assisted  by  a  few  other  Spaniards, 
but  the  brunt  of  the  work,  as  well  as  the  cost, 
was  borne  by  the  Tlascalans. 

Prescott  recalls  two  instances  of  similar  un- 
dertakings, but  on  a  smaller  scale  and  with 
less  distance  to  cover;  the  first  was  during  the 
siege  of  Taranto  by  Hannibal,  and  the  second 
was  at  the  same  place  seventeen  centuries 
later  under  Gonsalvo  de  Cordoba.  Balboa  also 
built  four  small  boats  on  the  Isthmus  of  Darien, 
two  of  which  he  succeeded  in  carrying  to  the 
coast  and  launching  successfully.  For  magni- 
tude of  the  undertaking,  distance  of  transport, 
number  of  men  engaged,  with  no  beasts  of 


A  New  Campaign  303 


burden  to  help  them,  and  the  importance  of 
the  issue  at  stake,  the  achievement  of  Cortes 
and  the  Tlascalans  stands  alone. 

On  Wednesday  the  26th  of  December,  a 
grand  review  of  all  the  forces  was  held.  The 
army  was  found  to  consist  of  forty  horsemen 
divided  into  four  squadrons  of  ten  each;  five 
hundred  and  fifty  foot-soldiers,  divided  into 
nine  companies  of  sixty;  there  were  eight  or 
nine  pieces  of  artillery,  in  all  not  a  very 
numerous  force  with  which  to  lay  siege  to  the 
capital  of  the  Aztec  empire.  Halting  before 
his  troops,  Don  Fernando  addressed  them  in 
a  short  speech,  of  which  he  himself  gave  a 
summary  to  Charles  V.: 

All  being  assembled  for  this  review,  I  spoke  to 
them  as  follows:  They  already  knew  that  they 
and  I  had  come  to  serve  Your  Sacred  Majesty  by 
settling  in  this  country,  and  they  likewise  knew 
how  all  the  natives  of  it  had  acknowledged  them- 
selves  as  vassals  of  Your  Majesty,  and  how  they 
had  persevered  as  such,  receiving  good  deeds  from 
us  and  we  from  them,  until,  without  any  cause, 
all  the  inhabitants  of  Culua  including  the  people 
of  the  great  city  of  Temixtitan  and  those  of  all 
the  other  provinces  subject  to  it  had  revolted 
against  Your  Majesty;  yet  more,  they  had  killed 
many  of  our  relatives  and  friends,  and  had  ex- 
pelled us  from  their  country:  that  they  should 
remember  how  many  dangers  and  hardships  we 
had  endured,  and  how  it  was  profitable  to  the 


304  Fernando  Cortes 


service  of  God  and  of  Your  Catholic  Majesty  to 
return  and  recover  what  was  left,  inasmuch  as  we 
had  just  causes  and  good  reasons  on  our  side.  One 
cause  was  because  we  fought  for  the  spread  of 
our  Faith,  and  against  barbarians;  another  was 
because  we  served  Your  Majesty;  another  was  for 
the  security  of  our  lives;  and  another  because  we 
had  many  natives,  our  friends,  to  help  us.  All 
these  were  strong  motives  to  stimulate  our  hearts; 
for  the  same  reasons  I  told  them  to  cheer  up  and 
be  brave.  In  the  name  of  Your  Majesty,  I  had 
made  certain  ordinances  for  maintaining  discipline 
and  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  war,  which  I  then 
immediately  published.  I  enjoined  them  to  likewise 
comply  with  these,  because  by  so  doing,  much  serv- 
ice would  be  rendered  to  God  and  Your  Majesty. 
They  all  promised  to  do  so  and  to  comply  with 
them,  declaring  they  would  very  gladly  die  for  our 
Faith  and  Your  Majesty's  service,  or  return  to  re- 
cover the  loss,  and  to  revenge  so  great  a  treachery 
as  had  been  done  by  the  people  of  Temixtitan  and 
their  allies.  In  the  name  of  Your  Majesty  I 
thanked  them  for  it.  After  this  we  returned  to 
our  camp  on  the  day  of  the  review,  in  good  spirits. 
The  following  day,  which  was  the  feast  of  St.  John 
the  Evangelist,  I  had  all  the  chiefs  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Tascaltecal  assembled  and  told  them  that 
they  already  knew  I  was  about  to  leave  the  next 
day  to  enter  the  country  of  our  enemies;  that  they 
must  see  that  the  city  of  Temixtitan  could  not 
be  captured  without  the  brigantines  which  were 
being  built,  and  that  hence  I  prayed  that  they 
would  furnish  everything  necessary  to  the  work- 
men and  the  other  Spaniards  I  left  there,  and 


A  New  Campaign  305 


would  treat  them  well,  as  they  had  always  treated 
us.  I  also  said  that  they  should  be  prepared,  if 
God  should  give  us  the  victory,  whenever  I  should 
send  from  the  city  of  Tasaico 1  for  the  joinings, 
planks,  and  other  materials  for  the  brigantines,  to 
send  them.  They  promised  to  do  so,  and  they  also 
wished  to  send  some  warriors  with  me  at  once, 
declaring  that  when  the  brigantines  started  they 
would  go  with  all  their  people,  for  they  wished 
to  die  where  I  died  and  to  revenge  themselves  on 
the  Culuans,  their  mortal  enemies. 

These  ordinances  mentioned  above  were  drawn 
up  by  "  the  magnificent  Senor  Fernando  Cortes, 
captain-general  and  chief  justice  of  this  New 
Spain  of  the  Ocean  Sea  and  published  in  the 
city  and  province  of  Tlascala  on  Wednesday, 
the  feast  of  St.  Stephen,  the  twenty-sixth  day 
of  December,  in  the  presence  of  the  notary 
public  Juan  de  Ribera,"  etc.  In  the  pre- 
amble were  explained  the  necessity  and  con- 
venience of  subjecting  all  human  actions  to 
law ;  the  right  of  conquest  was  traced  to  the 
principles  of  religion,  and  the  primary  object 
of  all  must  be  to  win  the  heathen  natives  from 
idolatry  and  procure  their  eternal  salvation 
by  converting  them  to  the  Christian  religion. 
Were  this  war  undertaken  with  any  other  in- 
tention it  would  be  unjust,  and  everything  won 
by  it  would  have  to  be  restored. 

In  conformity  with  the  crusading  spirit  pro- 

1  Meaning  Texcoco. 


306  Fernando  Cortes 


claimed  in  the  preamble,  the  ordinances  pro- 
hibited blasphemy  against  the  name  of  God 
and  the  saints.  Gambling  was  also  discouraged 
by  certain  severe  restrictions  tending  to  so 
moderate  play  as  to  render  it  innocuous.  Dice, 
however,  were  absolutely  forbidden.  Brawling, 
quarrelling,  rivalries  between  different  com- 
panies, and  evil  speaking,  either  among  the 
soldiers  themselves  or  against  their  officers,  were 
not  to  be  tolerated.  The  regulations  governing 
military  discipline  and  operations  enjoined 
officers  to  keep  to  the  posts  assigned  them 
and  prohibited  them  under  pain  of  death  from 
charging  the  enemy  without  orders  from  the 
commander.  Other  articles  prescribed  that  all 
booty  taken,  either  in  cities  or  on  the  battle- 
field, and  of  whatsoever  character,  must  be  de- 
livered either  to  the  commander  or  to  an  officer 
designated  to  receive  it.1 

It  is  evident  from  the  temper  and  language 
of  these  regulations  that  the  military  organisa- 
tion of  the  troops  had  made  considerable  strides 
since  they  first  left  Vera  Cruz  to  march  into 
the  interior.  Limits  there  undoubtedly  were 
to  the  commander's  authority,  and  there  were 
occasions  when  his  discretion  tolerated  a  licence 
that  his  judgment  reproved,  but  his  policy  was 
to  unite  the  interests  of  all  in  the  success  of 

1  A  more  complete  summary  of  these  ordinances  may  be 
found  in  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p.  502,  and  a  reprint  of 
the  entire  document  in  Prescott's  Conquest,  Appendix  xiii. 


A  New  Campaign 


3°7 


their  common  undertaking  and,  by  playing 
first  on  their  religious  sentiments,  then  on  their 
pride  as  Spaniards,  and  last  and  always  on 
their  hopes  of  wealth,  to  enforce  a  discipline 
under  which  such  bold  spirits  must  have  chafed. 
But  if  there  were  limits  to  his  authority,  there 
were  likewise  bounds  to  his  forbearance,  and 
while  the  former  were  vaguely  defined,  the 
latter  were  yery  positively  outlined.  Shortly 
after  the  promulgation  of  the  ordinances  of 
Tlascala,  Cortes  hanged  two  of  his  own  slaves 
for  robbing  an  Indian,  and  even  a  Spaniard 
received  similar  sentence  for  a  like  offence, 
though  the  commander  discreetly  turned  his 
back  while  the  fellow/s  companions  loosened 
the  knot  before  life  was  extinct. 

The  allies  promised  for  the  campaign  formed 
an  important  addition  to  the  forces.  Their 
number  has  been  variously  estimated  at  from 
one  hundred  and  ten  to  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  men.  Alonso  de  Ojeda  and  Juan 
Marquez  had  devoted  much  attention  to  drilling 
the  Tlascalans;  born  fighters,  every  man  of 
them  had  profited,  not  only  by  this  instruction 
but  likewise  by  the  experience  gained  in  the 
several  campaigns  fought  under  Spanish  di- 
rection. Even  the  distrustful  General  Xicoten- 
catl  was  not  too  proud  to  learn  the  art  of  war 
from  the  detested  conquerors  of  his  country, 
whose  skill  and  courage  commanded  his  reluctant 
admiration. 


308  Fernando  Cortes 


On  Friday,  the  twenty-eighth  of  December, 
the  army  marched  out  from  Tlascala  by  way 
of  Tetzmulocan,  headed  towards  Texcoco.  The 
most  difficult  of  the  three  roads  leading  from 
Tlascala  to  the  valley  of  Mexico  had  been  chosen, 
after  a  council  composed  of  all  the  captains, 
as  it  was  hoped  their  choice  would  hardly  be 
foreseen  by  the  Mexicans  and  hence  they  would 
encounter  no  organised  oppositio#n.  The  com- 
pany was  joined  at  Tlepehuacan  by  Ixtlilxo- 
chitl,  prince  of  Texcoco  and  claimant  of  the 
crown.  Ever  since  the  Spaniards  had  been  in 
Mexico,  this  discontented  and  ambitious  in- 
triguer had  paid  diligent  court  to  Don  Fer- 
nando, hoping,  with  his  support  and  patronage, 
to  seat  himself  on  the  throne  of  Acolhuacan. 
The  new  ally  was  cordially  welcomed,  sym- 
pathised with  in  his  grievances,  and  encouraged 
to  regard  the  Spaniards  as  his  saviours.  What- 
ever Cortes  may,  in  his  heart,  have  thought  of 
this  renegade  prince,  he  was  bound  to  view 
with  satisfaction,  and  encourage  by  all  means 
in  his  power,  the  dissensions  and  animosities 
that  divided  and  weakened  his  enemies.  The 
descent  of  the  mountain-pass  was  accomplished 
and  on  Sunday,  the  thirtieth,  the  Spaniards 
found  themselves  once  more  in  the  valley  of 
Mexico. 

No  troops  came  forth  to  dispute  their  advance, 
though  on  the  surrounding  hilltops  fires  blazed 
and  columns  of  black  smoke  rose  into  the  clear 


A  New  Campaign  309 


blue  of  the  sky,  thus  giving  notice  to  all  the 
towns  in  the  valley  of  their  enemy's  approach. 
Groups  of  Mexican  warriors  were  seen  in  the 
distance,  apparently  following  their  movements, 
and  Cortes,  who  anticipated  an  ambush  or  a 
sudden  attack  at  any  hour,  took  occasion  to 
remind  the  men  of  his  orders  for  all  to  keep 
well  together,  to  avoid  straggling  and  to  in- 
stantly obey  the  commands  of  their  officers. 
It  was  victory  or  death,  and  they  must  main- 
tain the  reputation  of  Spanish  valour.  After 
this  exhortation,  to  which  all  responded  by 
promising  obedience,  they  marched  ahead,  "  as 
gaily  as  though  bent  on  a  pleasure  party,"  to 
quote  from  the  language  of  the  Relaciones. 

Texcoco  had  been  fixed  upon  as  the  temporary 
headquarters,  from  whence  Cortes  proposed  to 
reconnoitre  the  situation  and  reduce  the  out- 
lying towns  and  villages  along  the  lake  shore, 
while  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  brigantines, 
to  begin  operations  against  the  capital.  Al- 
though it  was  not  expected  that  Texcoco  would 
be  occupied  without  severe  fighting,  a  deputa- 
tion of  nobles  approached  the  Spanish  force  a 
few  leagues  outside  their  city,  carrying  a  golden 
pennon,1  in  sign  of  peace,  and  bringing  a  pres- 
ent from  their  King  to  the  commander.  They 
begged  that  their  city  might  be  spared,  affirm- 

1It  was  in  the  form  of  net-work  or  mesh  of  gold,  and 
both  Cortes  and  Bernal  Diaz  calculated  its  money  value 
with  the  rapidity  of  practiced  appraisers. 


3io  Fernando  Cortes 


ing  that  they  had  never  willingly  sided  against 
the  Spaniards  but  only  in  obedience  to  the 
superior  force  of  the  Mexicans.  Cortes,  in  re- 
ply, reminded  them  of  the  party  of  Spaniards 
they  had  recently  murdered  within  their  own 
territory  and  demanded  the  restitution  of  the 
treasure  they  had  taken  from  their  victims. 
Still  protesting  their  innocence  and  declaring 
that  it  was  by  the  Mexican  Emperor's  orders 
that  the  deed  had  been  done  and  that  the 
plunder  had  been  taken  to  Mexico,  they  offered 
to  collect  what  they  could  and  restore  it;  mean- 
while, they  suggested  that  the  Spaniards  should 
pass  the  night  in  the  neighbouring  village  as 
they  had  not  been  able  to  prepare  quarters  for 
them  in  the  city.  Cortes  ignored  their  sug- 
gestion and  marched  on  to  Texcoco  where  the 
first  thing  that  impressed  him  was  the  deserted 
appearance  of  the  streets,  which  he  had  always 
seen  thronged  with  a  busy  population.  The  vast 
palace  of  Nezahualpilli  and  its  extensive  de- 
pendencies furnished  ample  quarters  for  all  the 
force.  The  reason  of  the  Texcocan's  efforts  to 
prevent  him  entering  the  city  that  evening, 
was  quickly  discovered  by  some  of  the  soldiers, 
who  ascended  one  of  the  teocalli  to  survey  the 
town  and  observed  that  the  entire  population 
was  abandoning  the  place, — some  in  canoes  on 
the  lake,  while  others  were  escaping  on  foot  to 
the  hills.  Coanacochtzin,  the  King,  was  already 
safe  in  Mexico  and,  as  it  was  late  in  the  eve- 


A  New  Campaign  311 

ning,  the  efforts  made  to  check  this  movement 
were  too  tardy  to  be  of  any  avail.  The  Span- 
iards were  left  in  undisputed  possession  of  the 
deserted  capital  of  Acolhuacan. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


BACK  TO  THE  CAPITAL 

Destruction  of  Iztapalapan — Quauhtemotzin — First  Ex- 
pedition of  Chalco — Arrival  of  the  Convoy — Fall  of 
Tlacopan — Death  of  Fonseca — Second  Expedition  to 
Chalco — Capture  of  Cuernavaca — Rescue  of  Cortes — 
Spanish  Losses 

EIGHT  days  passed  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Texcoco,  during  which  time 
they  were  exclusively  occupied  in  fortifying  the 
city,  laying  in  provisions,  and  converting  the 
place  into  a  well-furnished  base  from  which  to 
conduct  the  campaign  in  the  neighbourhood. 
Cortes  had  declared  the  throne  of  Acolhuacan 
vacant  after  the  flight  of  Coanacochtzin  and  had 
ordered  an  election  held  that  resulted  in  the 
elevation  to  the  royal  dignity,  of  Tecocoltzin, 
a  bastard  son  of  Nezahualpilli.  This  youth 
proved  a  weak  tool  in  the  hands  of  the  Span- 
t  ish  commander,  and  the  government  passed 
practically  into  the  latter's  exclusive  control. 

The  neighbouring  towns  and  some  tribes  in 
the  vicinity  came,  one  by  one,  to  offer  their 
submission  which  Cortes  received  as  a  matter 
of  course,  assuring  them  that  they  were  now 
vassals  of  Castile  and  were  doing  their  duty 
in  remaining  faithful  to  their  lawful  sovereign. 
The  city  of  Iztapalapan,  where  Cortes  had 
312 


Back  to  the  Capital  313 


once  been  entertained  in  the  magnificent  palace 
and  gardens  of  its  sovereign,  was  the  first  place 
designated  for  destruction,  chiefly  because  it 
had  belonged  to  Cuitlahuatzin,  the  arch-enemy  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  also  because  its  inhabitants 
shared  their  ruler's  hatred  of  the  teules.  Cor- 
tes led  the  expedition  himself,  having  Pedro  de 
Alvarado  and  Cristobal  de  Olid  for  his  captains. 
The  force  consisted  of  eighteen  horsemen,  two 
hundred  and  thirty  foot-soldiers,  a  large  num- 
ber of  Tlascalans,  and  some  Indians  of  Texcoco, 
furnished  by  the  young  king,  Tecocoltzin. 

Iztapalapan  was  utterly  destroyed  and  six 
thousand  of  its  inhabitants  were  killed,  the  re- 
mainder either  saving  themselves  by  flight  in 
their  canoes  or  being  captured  by  the  victors. 
An  artful  stratagem  of  the  Indians  that  would 
have  annihilated  the  Spaniards  had  it  succeeded, 
just  missed  being  successful.  As  the  town  stood 
on  the  edge  of  the  lake  and  even  partly  over 
the  water,  it  was  protected  from  the  rising  tides 
by  a  dyke,  which  the  Spaniards  had  passed  on 
their  way  into  the  city.  Cortes  had  noticed  an 
opening  in  this  dyke,  through  which  some  water 
was  running  but,  in  the  heat  of  the  attack,  had 
galloped  ahead  without  attaching  any  signifi- 
cance to  the  fact.  Towards  nine  o'clock  at 
night,  when  the  sack  and  destruction  of  the 
burning  city  were  completed  and  his  men  were 
weary  with  slaughter,  it  suddenly  flashed  across 
his  mind  that  with  the  rise  of  the  salt  lake,  the 


314  Fernando  Cortes 


waters  would  pour  through  the  aperture  in  the 
dyke  and  cut  off  the  Spaniards  from  the  main- 
land. In  short,  they  were  taken  in  a  trap  and 
would  drown  to  a  man.  His  surmise  was  as 
correct  as  it  was  timely,  for  on  reaching  the 
place,  that  whole  quarter  was  found  to  be  al- 
ready flooded,  while  the  water  was  rising  so 
rapidly  that  the  booty  and  prisoners  had  to  be 
abandoned  and  each  man  made  a  dash  for 
safety  through  the  insidious  flood.  Several  In- 
dians were  drowned  and  the  spoils  of  war  were 
lost,  but  the  Spaniards  escaped  the  trap  their 
cunning  foes  had  set  for  their  destruction.1 

The  news  of  the  fall  of  Iztapalapan  produced 
a  great  impression  throughout  the  valley  and 
was  followed  by  the  submission  of  several  other 
dependencies  of  the  capital.  Cortes,  in  re- 
ceiving their  adhesion,  made  it  a  condition  that 
they  should  deliver  up  to  him  all  Aztec  nobles 
or  persons  of  consequence  who  were  in  their 
towns,  his  object  being  to  seek  through  such 
persons  to  open  communications  with  the  capi- 
tal and,  if  possible,  to  form  inside  its  walls  a 
party  in  favour  of  coming  to  terms  with  him. 
These  overtures  met  with  no  response.  Cuitla- 
huatzin  had  been  succeeded  by  Quauhtemotzin, 
son  of  Ahuitzotl,  a  youth  of  twenty-five  years,  dis- 
tinguished both  for  his  bravery  and  his  intelli- 
gence. He  was  the  eleventh  and  the  last  of  the 
Aztec  emperors.    Montezuma's  presumptive  heir 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  ii.,  p.  18. 


Back  to  the  Capital  315 


had  perished  during  the  retreat  on  the  Sorrow- 
ful Night,  and  his  two  remaining  legitimate 
sons  were  said  to  be  paralytics.  His  daughter, 
Tecuichpo,  married  Cuitlahuatzin  and,  on  the 
accession  of  Quauhtemotzin,  the  widow  espoused 
her  late  husband's  successor.  One  of  the  im- 
becile heirs  having  meanwhile  died,  the  newly 
elected  Emperor  removed  the  possibility  of  any 
future  complications  by  killing  the  survivor. 

Quauhtemotzin  had  followed  the  policy  of  his 
predecessor  and  had  succeeded  in  gathering 
about  his  throne  all  the  forces  that  remained 
faithful;  wiiile  there  were  still  waverers  in  the 
provinces,  and  many  of  the  neighbouring  states 
were  maintaining  an  observant  neutrality  until 
events  might  show  them  on  which  side  to  range 
themselves,  within  the  capital  itself  absolute 
unity  prevailed.  The  messages  from  Cortes 
proposing  peace,  his  offers  to  pardon  the  Mexi- 
cans, and  his  invitations  to  a  friendly  con- 
ference, all  fell  on  deaf  ears.  Quauhtemotzin 
declared  that  the  city  would  never  surrender 
and  that  its  last  man  would  die  fighting. 

On  his  return  from  Iztapalapan,  Cortes  sent 
an  expedition  under  Sandoval  to  the  province 
of  Chalco,  whose  cacique  had  complained  of  the 
exactions  and  oppressions  of  a  Mexican  gar- 
rison stationed  in  his  city  and  had  invited  the 
Spaniards  to  assist  him  in  expelling  it.  From 
all  sides  similar  complaints  and  proposals 
reached  Cortes  and,  in  writing  to  Charles  V., 


316  Fernando  Cortes 


he  declared  that  one  of  his  chief  regrets  was, 
that  he  could  not  respond  to  the  demands  made 
upon  him  by  the  Indian  allies  and  faithful 
vassals  of  His  Majesty. 

To  make  up  for  his  inability  to  send  Span- 
iards to  the  various  centres  of  disaffection 
towards  the  Aztec  rule,  Cortes  sought  to  over- 
come the  local  jealousies  and  ancient  feuds  that 
divided  the  tribes,  and  to  form  alliances  be- 
tween them  for  their  mutual  defence  against 
the  Mexicans.  In  these  efforts  he  was  suc- 
cessful,— at  least,  sufficiently  so  for  his  own 
purpose.  During  his  expedition  to  Chalco, 
Sandoval  stopped  in  the  little  town  of  Zoltepec, 
the  scene  of  the  murder  of  the  forty-five  Span- 
iards, of  which  mention  was  made  in  a  former 
chapter.  Melancholy  relics  of  their  dead  com- 
rades were  found  in  the  temples,  even  the  heads 
of  some  of  them,  so  well  dried  and  tanned  that 
their  faces  were  easily  recognisable,  were  ex- 
posed, while  on  the  wall  of  a  room  in  a  build- 
ing close  by,  they  read  the  inscription :  "  In 
this  place  was  imprisoned  the  unhappy  Juan 
Yuste  and  some  of  his  companions."  From 
Chalco,  Sandoval  continued  his  way  to  Tlas- 
cala,  from  whence  he  was  to  assist  in  escorting 
the  Tlascalans,  who  were  to  transport  the  brig- 
antines  to  Texcoco.  He  was  likewise  charged 
to  bring  from  Tlascala  the  young  prince  of  Tex- 
coco, known  as  Don  Fernando,  whom  Cortes 
designated  to  succeed  the  youth,  Fernando  Teco- 


Back  to  the  Capital  317 


coltzin,  whose  death  had  just  brought  his  brief 
reign  to  a  close.  Both  of  these  princes  having 
been  baptised  under  the  name  of  Fernando,  much 
confusion  has  been  occasioned  by  the  early 
writers  attributing  the  acts  of  the  one  to  the 
other,  and  even  merging  the  two  into  one 
person.1 

Shortly  after  crossing  the  Tlascalan  frontier, 
three  of  Sandoval's  horsemen,  who  were  riding 
ahead  as  scouts,  detected  the  fires  of  what 
seemed  to  be  a  vast  encampment.  Approaching 
cautiously  to  reconnoitre,  it  was  discovered  to 
be  the  camp  of  the  Spanish  ship-carpenters  and 
the  Tlascalans,  who  had  brought  the  brigantines 
that  far  on  the  road  and  were  encamped  to 
wait  for  their  escort  from  Texcoco.  Twenty 
thousand  Indians  composed  the  convoy  which, 
after  four  days  of  arduous  marching,  reached 
Texcoco  with  their  unique  burdens.  Their  ar- 
rival was  made  the  occasion  of  great  festivity 
and  rejoicing.  Cortes  and  his  officers  rode  out 
to  meet  the  procession,  which  was  of  such  im- 
posing length  that  six  hours  were  occupied  in 
filing  before  the  commander  into  the  city. 
Spaniards  and  Tlascalans  fraternised,  with 
demonstration  of  the  heartiest  good- will;  the 

1  As  if  to  further  augment  the  complications  arising 
from  a  number  of  Indian  princes  adopting  the  same  Chris- 
tian name,  Prince  Ixtlilxochitl  was  at  this  time  baptised 
and  assumed  the  name  of  Fernando.  He  was  placed  in 
command  of  the  Texcocan  forces. 


318  Fernando  Cortes 


shrill  pipes  and  rude  musical  instruments  of 
the  Indians  mingled  their  sounds  with  the 
music  of  atabal  and  cornet,  while  enthusiastic 
crowds  rent  the  air  with  cheers  of  Castilla! 
Tlascala!  Cortes,  the  destroyer  of  a  fleet  was 
the  creator  of  another,  for  only  his  genius  could 
have  conceived  and  accomplished  such  an  un- 
dertaking. The  Tlascalan  captains  crowded 
about  him,  declaring  that  they  had  come  to 
fight  under  his  banner  until  their  common 
quarrel  was  avenged  or  they  fell  together,  and 
demanding  to  be  led  at  once  against  their 
enemy.  He  responded  cordially  to  these  wel- 
come demonstrations  and  assured  them  that  he 
would  provide  them  with  plenty  to  do  as  soon 
as  they  were  rested.1 

While  the  work  of  putting  the  brigantines  to- 
gether was  going  actively  forward  in  the  canal 
that  had  been  built  to  convey  them  onto  the 
wTaters  of  the  lake,  Cortes  planned  a  series  of 
attacks  on  the  towns  in  the  neighbourhood  that 
were  still  loyal  to  Quauhtemotzin.  Marching 
in  a  northerly  direction  from  Texcoco,  the  first 
engagements  with  the  enemy  were  at  an  island- 
town  in  the  lake,  called  Xaltocan.  The  re- 
sistance of  the  Mexicans  was  stubborn  and  the 
town  was  unapproachable,  as  the  dyke  had  been 
cut  and  neither  infantry  nor  horsemen  could 
breast  the  swift  current  of  water  that  rushed 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn.  i.?  p.  32;  Gomara,  cap.  cxxiv.; 
Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxl. 


Back  to  the  Capital  319 


through  the  opening.  Treachery,  however,  de- 
livered the  place  to  the  Spaniards,  for  a 
Mexican  deserter  revealed  the  whereabouts  of 
a  shallow  ford.  Xaltocan  was  sacked  and 
burned,  while  those  of  its  inhabitants  who  had 
trusted  to  their  defences  instead  of  escaping  in 
canoes  were  made  prisoners.  Continuing  the 
circuitous  line  of  march  he  had  mapped  out, 
Cortes  passed  through  twTo  abandoned  towns  and 
finally  arrived  at  Azcapozalco,  known  as  the 
"  silversmith's  town  "  on  account  of  the  artistic 
productions  of  its  metal-workers. 

The  objective  point  of  this  march  was  the 
town  of  Tlacopan  or  Tacuba  where  he  intended 
to  establish  temporary  headquarters.  The  fate 
of  Tacuba  was  not  long  in  the  balance  and,  as 
the  Tlascalans  nourished  a  special  hatred  for 
the  inhabitants  because  of  the  injuries  suffered 
there  by  their  countrymen  the  morning  follow- 
ing the  Sorrowful  Night,  Cortes  was  unable  to 
hinder  a  general  massacre  that  ended  in  setting 
fire  to  the  town,  after  everything  of  value  had 
been  pillaged.  From  Tacuba,  one  of  the  three 
famous  causeways  led  directly  across  the  lake 
into  the  city  of  Mexico;  the  same  one  in  fact 
along  which  the  Spaniards  had  fled  in  panic 
and  confusion  when  they  evacuated  the  capital. 
The  skirmishing  along  this  causeway  was  kept 
up  daily  during  the  commander's  stay  at  Ta- 
cuba and  though  the  Mexicans  fought  well, 
both  on  the  causeway  itself  and  from  their  light 


320  Fernando  Cortes 


canoes  in  which  they  approached  the  banks,  the 
ultimate  advantage  invariably  rested  with "  the 
Christians.  Renewed  overtures  for  peace  were 
rebuffed  by  the  Mexicans  and  in  reply  to  the  in- 
vitation of  Cortes  that  their  chiefs  would  come 
to  parley  with  him,  the  warriors  answered  that 
they  were  all  chiefs  and  that  whatever  he  wished 
to  say,  might  be  said  to  any  or  all  of  them. 

During  the  six  days  he  remained  in  Tacuba, 
Cortes  obtained  much  of  the  information  con- 
cerning the  defences  of  Mexico  he  had  come  to 
seek.  He  found  the  Aztec  troops  well  equipped 
and  full  of  courage;  nor  did  the  fact  that  they 
had  been  worsted  day  after  day  in  their  en- 
counters with  the  Spaniards  seem  to  daunt 
them.  Following  the  same  road  by  which  they 
had  come,  the  Spaniards  returned  to  Texcoco 
where  the  booty  was  divided,  permission  being 
given  to  the  Tlascalans  to  depart  to  their  own 
country  with  their  share. 

The  defection  of  the  Chalcans  from  the  Mex- 
ican cause  greatly  enraged  Quauhtemotzin,  who 
sent  a  force  to  invade  their  province  and  punish 
their  treachery,  and  Bernal  Diaz  states  that 
twenty  thousand  Mexican  soldiers  crossed  the 
lake  in  two  thousand  canoes.  The  Chalcans  ap- 
pealed in  their  extremity  to  Cortes,  who  again 
sent  Sandoval  to  their  assistance.  During  this 
campaign  there  occurred  a  break  in  the  close 
intimacy  existing  between  Cortes  and  his 
favourite  captain,  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval;  the 


Back  to  the  Capital  321 


latter  having  returned  to  Texcoco  after  an  en- 
gagement at  Ayachapichtla,  which  he  considered 
decisive,  was  curtly  ordered  to  go  back  and 
finish  what  he  had  begun.  When  he  afterwards 
learned  that  he  had  been  hasty  and  that  the 
rebuke  was  unmerited,  Cortes  made  such  a 
frank  and  sincere  apology  for  his  injustice  that 
the  cloud  which  threatened  to  obscure  their 
friendship  was  at  once  dispelled.  Nothing, 
more  than  this  little  incident,  illustrates  the 
nature  of  the  relations  existing  between  Cortes 
and  his  officers,  nor  better  shows  the  absence 
of  petty  vanity  in  the  commander's  character. 
His  readiness  to  admit  and  repair  a  wrong  done 
to  a  subordinate  officer  proved  the  quality  of 
his  moral  courage  and  won  him  the  confidence 
and  obedience  of  his  captains. 

Three  vessels  which  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz, 
very  probably  from  Hispaniola  in  response  to  the 
letters  of  Cortes  to  the  audiencia  in  that  island, 
brought  the  considerable  reinforcement  of  two 
hundred  men,  seventy  or  eighty  horsemen,  and 
a  large  supply  of  arms,  ammunitions,  and  mili- 
tary stores.  Simultaneously  there  came  into 
the  same  port  a  ship  from  Castile,  having  on 
board  several  persons  of  distinction,  amongst 
wrhom  were  the  royal  treasurer,  Julian  de  Al- 
derete  and  a  Dominican  friar,  Pedro  Melgarejo 
de  Urrea.  A  facetious  passage  in  Bernal  Diaz's 
history  of  the  conquest  describes  this  monk  as 
bringing  bulls  from  the  Pope  granting  indul- 
21 


322  Fernando  Cortes 


gences  to  the  men,  and  states  that  he  did  such  a 
thriving  trade  in  his  holy  wares  that  within  a 
few  months  he  returned  to  Castile  a  rich  man. 
The  bulls  in  question  were  chiefly  useful  in 
guaranteeing  lawful  title  to  holders  of  property 
acquired  during  the  conquest,  whose  rightful 
owners  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  identify. 
The  spoils  of  war  captured  in  the  sacking  of 
towns  did  not  fall  within  the  terms  of  the  bulls, 
though  it  is  not  improbable  that  there  were 
soldiers  whose  elastic  consciences  enabled  them 
to  stretch  the  papal  concession  to  suit  their 
interests.1 

Bernal  Diaz's  quip  has  furnished  material  for 
caustic  comment  on  the  business-like  methods 
of  the  Dominicans  in  dispensing  spiritual 
favours  to  the  faithful.  Alleged  abuses  of  a 
similar  nature  in  Germany  were  at  that  very 
time  one  of  the  chief  reproaches  cast  on  the 
Order  in  Europe,  where  the  Keformation  was 
just  then  convulsing  Christendom. 

The  most  welcome  intelligence  for  Cortes  that 
arrived  by  the  ship  from  Spain  was  the  news 
of  the  fall  from  power  of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos2 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxliii.;  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p. 
537. 

2  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Burgos  and 
titular  Archbishop  of  Rosano,  was  of  noble  family  and, 
when  dean  of  Seville,  had  been  named  by  King  Ferdinand 
to  the  presidency  of  the  newly  constituted  Royal  Council 
for  the  Indies,  which  had  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the 
recently  discovered  realms  in  the  New  World.    This  ap- 


Back  to  the  Capital 


323 


The  province  of  Chalco  continued,  despite  the 
two  successful  expeditions  of  Sandoval,  to  be 
the  scene  of  constant  hostilities  between  Chal- 
cans  and  Mexicans,  and,  as  it  was  impossible 
to  begin  the  siege  of  the  capital  before  the  sur- 
rounding country  was  freed  from  Aztec  domin- 
ion and  made  safe  for  the  Spaniards  and  their 
allies,  Cortes  determined  to  respond  to  the  last 
appeal  of  the  Chalcan  chiefs  for  assistance,  by 
marching  thither  himself.  His  intention  was 
also  to  extend  his  operations  by  circling  com- 
pletely round  the  lakes  and,  in  the  course  of 
his  march,  to  occupy  all  the  more  important 
strongholds  and  disperse  their  Aztec  garrisons. 
He  had  already  secured  such  a  result  in  the 
western  parts  of  the  valley,  and  once  he  suc- 
ceeded in  establishing  his  supremacy  towards 
the  south,  the  city  of  Mexico  would  remain  iso- 
lated, in  the  midst  of  a  broad  zone  under  Span- 
ish control.  Two  or  three  weeks  were  to  be 
devoted  to  these  preparatory  operations,  within 
which  period  it  was  hoped  that  the  brigantines 

pointment  was  singularly  unfortunate,  as  he  possessed 
no  aptitude  for  the  post,  and,  being  of  choleric  temper, 
touchy,  vindictive,  and  given  to  favouritism,  he  seems 
never  to  have  grasped  the  possibilities  of  his  office,  or  to 
have  comprehended  the  meaning  of  the  events  whose 
course  he  was  called  upon  to  shape.  The  Emperor's  eyes 
were  finally  opened  to  his  incurable  defects  of  character, 
and  his  influence  received  its  death-blow  from  the  trans- 
actions of  his  agents  with  Cortes.  He  died  March  14, 
1524,  having  done  his  worst  during  thirty  years  with  the 
interests  confided  to  his  direction. 


324  Fernando  Cortes 


would  be  completed  and  ready  for  use*  The 
force  to  be  employed  was  composed  of  thirty 
horsemen  and  three  hundred  foot-soldiers,  with 
the  usual  complement  of  numerous  Indians 
from  Tlascala  and  Texcoco. 

Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  was  left  in  command  at 
Texcoco,  with  a  force  of  twenty  horsemen  and 
three  hundred  foot-soldiers.  The  following  day 
Cortes  addressed  the  chiefs  in  a  speech  that 
was  interpreted  by  Marina  and  Geronimo  de 
Aguilar,  telling  them  that  the  hour  for  united 
action  against  the  capital  was  drawing  near  and 
that  he  would  soon  call  upon  them  for  the  levies 
they  had  promised.  He  outlined  the  purpose 
of  his  present  movement  and  then  marched  on 
to  the  town  of  Chimalhuacan-Chalco,  where  he 
intended  to  pass  the  night.  An  immense  num- 
ber of  Indians, — some  forty  thousand  in  all, — 
joined  his  force,  in  addition  to  whom,  a  myriad 
of  spoilers  followed  the  army,  attracted  chiefly 
by  the  prospect  of  feeding  on  the  dead  bodies 
of  the  slain. 

Sharp  fighting  took  place  in  the  country  be- 
tween Chalco  and  Huaxtepec,  notably  in  the  at- 
tempts to  storm  two  rocky  knolls  on  which  large 
numbers  of  Indians  had  established  themselves. 
In  one  of  these  attacks,  the  Spaniards  were  re- 
pulsed and  obliged  to  withdraw,  leaving  the 
defenders  victorious,  but  when  the  second 
stronghold  was  captured,  all  the  neighbourhood, 
including  the  unconquered  people  on  the  first 


Back  to  the  Capital  325 

hillock,  submitted  and  made  the  usual  terms  of 
peace.  From  Huaxtepec,  the  road  lay  through 
Yauhtepec,  where  the  inhabitants  sought  safety 
in  the  neighbouring  town  of  Xiuhtepec.  The 
latter  town  offered  no  resistance,  and  the 
troops  rested  there  that  day  (Friday,  the 
12th)  expecting  the  local  caciques  to  return 
and  make  their  submission.  As  none  appeared, 
however,  the  town  was  looted  and  burned. 

On  the  following  day  Cortes  arrived  before 
Cuauhnahuac  (the  present  Cuernavaca)  1  the 
ancient  capital  of  the  Tlahuica  tribes,  situated 
on  an  isolated  promontory  at  an  elevation  of 
more  than  five  thousand  feet  and  surrounded, 
save  on  one  side,  by  a  narrow  but  profound 
canon.  This  town  was,  from  its  peculiar  posi- 
tion, almost  inaccessible;  the  bridges  over  the 
chasm  had  been  broken  and  the  place  was  de- 
fended by  a  strong  garrison  under  Coatzin,  its 
lord.  Its  capture  was  due  to  the  intelligence 
and  bravery  of  a  Tlascalan  warrior,  whose 
remarkable  exploit  is  hardly  noticed  by  Cortes 
in  his  letter  to  the  Emperor,  but  which  is  de- 
scribed by  Bernal  Diaz  who  claims  to  have 
followed  close  on  the  heels  of  the  intrepid  war- 
rior.   Two  immense  trees  growing  on  opposite 

1  Cuernavaca  is  the  present  capital  of  the  state  of 
Morelos,  and  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  interesting 
towns  in  Mexico,  while  its  situation  is  hardly  excelled 
in  picturesqueness  and  grandeur  by  any  other  in  the 
world.  The  palace  and  church,  which  Cortes  afterwards 
built  there,  still  stand. 


326  Fernando  Cortes 


sides  of  the  ravine,  inclined  towards  one  an- 
other until  their  branches  met.  The  bold 
Tlascalan  conceived  the  plan  of  crossing  by 
this  aerial  bridge,  and,  with  an  agility  worthy 
of  his  daring  conception,  he  safely  passed  on 
the  swaying  boughs  over  the  dizzy  height  and 
slid  down  the  tree  trunk  on  the  other  side, 
while  the  garrison  of  Cuernavaca  was  fighting 
elsewhere  and  unobservant  of  his  achievement. 
About  thirty  Spaniards  and  a  number  of  Tlas- 
calans  followed  his  example,  three  of  whom  lost 
their  balance  and  fell  into  the  stream  below. 
Bernal  Diaz  says  that  it  was  a  frightful  un- 
dertaking, and  that  he  himself  became  quite 
blind  and  giddy  from  the  great  height  and 
danger.  Indeed,  it  was  no  small  thing  for  a 
man,  weighted  with  arms  and  armour,  to  essay 
such  a  feat,  and  if  the  credit  of  the  invention 
belongs  to  the  Tlascalan,  we  cannot  withhold 
our  admiration  from  the  thirty  Spaniards  who 
had  the  hardihood  to  follow  him.1 

After  destroying  the  captured  town  and  re- 
ceiving the  submission  of  its  chiefs,  Cortes  re- 
traced his  march  towards  the  valley  of  Mexico, 
crossing  the  rocky  sierra  and  traversing  a 
waterless  region  of  pine  woods,  with  such  suf- 
fering to  man  and  beast  that  some  people  even 
perished  of  thirst.  Shortly  after  daybreak  on 
Monday,  the  15th,  the  Spaniards  came  in 
sight  of  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  pros- 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxliv. 


Back  to  the  Capital  327 


perous  towns  of  Mexico, — Xochimilco, — aptly 
described  by  its  Aztec  name,  meaning  "  field  of 
flowers."  As  the  town  stood  somewhat  out  in 
the  waters  of  the  lake,  the  approach  was  by 
means  of  a  causeway,  similar  to  but  smaller 
than  those  which  connected  the  city  of  Mexico 
with  the  mainland.  The  Xochimilcans  had 
fortified  this  causeway  and  defended  the  en- 
trance with  great  spirit,  but  before  the  fire  of 
the  archers  and  arquebusiers,  they  were  forced 
to  give  way  and  to  retreat  into  the  better  se- 
curity of  their  streets.  With  the  hope  of  gain- 
ing time  in  which  their  families  might  escape 
by  means  of  canoes,  the  Indians  began  parley- 
ing for  peace;  moreover,  towards  evening,  a 
formidable  body  of  well-armed  Mexican  troops 
came  to  their  assistance,  and  the  fighting  was 
renewed.  While  leading  a  calvary  charge,  the 
horse  on  which  Cortes  was  mounted  slipped  and 
fell,  unseating  its  rider.  In  an  instant  his 
enemies  were  upon  him.  Neither  in  wit  nor 
courage  were  the  Tlascalans  ever  found  want- 
ing, and  in  this  instance,  it  was  a  Tlascalan 
who  first  perceived  the  commander's  peril  and 
rushed  to  his  assistance.  Cortes  afterwards 
searched  in  vain  for  this  Indian  who  saved  his 
life,  but  as  he  could  never  be  found,  dead  or 
alive,  he  finally  declared  that  he  was  per- 
suaded that  it  was  not  an  Indian  at  all  but 
his  holy  patron,  St.  Peter,  who  had  rescued 
him. 


328  Fernando  Cortes 


Clavigero  pertinently  notes  that,  in  this 
battle  as  in  many  others,  the  Indians  might 
easily  have  killed  Cortes  had  they  not  determined 
to  take  him  alive  and  sacrifice  him.  Bernal  Diaz 
attributes  the  rescue  of  Cortes  to  a  Castilian 
soldier,  Cristobal  de  Olea,  who  led  a  body  of 
Tlascalans  to  his  relief,  but  makes  no  mention 
of  any  one  particular  Tlascalan.  Cortes  may, 
however,  be  supposed  to  know  better,  and  he 
refers  to  Olea  as  "  a  servant  of  mine  who  helped 
raise  the  horse/*-  Olea  received  three  frightful 
wounds  from  the  deadly  maquahuitl,  a  weapon 
which  the  Mexicans  wielded  with  great  and 
formidable  skill. 

The  fighting  in,  and  around  Xochimilco, 
lasted  from  the  15th  of  April  until  the  morn- 
ing of  Friday  the  20th,  when  the  Spaniards 
arrived  in  Tlacopan  and,  though  Cortes  says 
little  in  his  reports  about  the  events  of  those 
days,  his  men  suffered  considerably.  While  a 
small  division  was  engaged  in  pillaging  some 
storehouses  near  Xochimilco,  the  Mexicans  at- 
tacked them,  wounding  a  number  and  taking 
Juan  de  Lara,  Alonso  Hernandez,  and  two 
other  soldiers  of  Andres  de  Monjaraz's  company, 
prisoners.  These  men  were  carried  in  triumph 
to  the  city  of  Mexico  where,  after  being  ques- 
tioned by  Quauhtemotzin,  they  were  sacrificed, 
their  arms  and  legs  being  afterwards  taken  to 
be  exhibited  in  the  neighbouring  provinces  as 
a  forecast  of  the  fate  awaiting  the  remainder 


Back  to  the  Capital  329 


of  the  white  men.1  Cortes  wished  to  abandon 
the  spoils  taken  at  Xochimilco,  rather  than  be 
cumbered  with  them,  but  yielded  to  the  clamours 
of  his  men,  who  declared  they  were  able  to 
defend  what  they  had  taken. 

The  plunder  was  therefore  placed  in  the 
centre,  with  a  guard  of  cavalry  to  watch  over 
it  and,  after  firing  the  city  as  a  penalty  for  the 
obstinate  resistance  of  its  inmates,  the  Span- 
iards marched  by  way  of  Coyohuacan  to  Tacuba. 
Numerous  bodies  of  the  enemy  were  frequently 
descried,  usually  at  a  distance,  and  it  was  evi- 
dent that  Quauhtemotzin  was  following  the 
movements  of  his  foe  and  that  the  entire  coun- 
try was  under  arms.  From  Coyohuacan,  where 
a  two  days'  halt  was  made  to  care  for  the 
wounded  and  gain  some  rest  after  the  fatigues 
of  the  recent  fighting,  Cortes  reconnoitred  the 
causeway  leading  to  Iztapalapan.  At  the  junc- 
tions of  the  two  causeways  stood  the  small 
fortress  of  Xoloc,  that  barred  the  road  to  the 
capital. 

Small  skirmishes  marked  the  day's  advance 
to  Tacuba,  in  one  of  which  two  more  Spaniards, 
Francisco  Martin  Vendabal  and  Pedro  Gallego, 
were  captured  alive.  These  two  men  were  per- 
sonal servants  of  Cortes,  who  had  accompanied 
him  throughout  the  perils  and  hardships  of  the 
campaign  and  on  whose  fidelity  he  could  always 

1Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cxiv.;  Herrera,  Hist  General,  dec. 
iii.,  lib.  i.,  cap.  viii. 


33°  Fernando  Cortes 


count.  The  commander  made  a  rare  display  of 
feeling  on  this  occasion  which  led  to  the  com- 
position of  a  romance  or  ballad,  long  in  popular 
vogue : 

En  Tacuba  est&  Cortes 
Con  su  escuadron  esforzado, 
Triste  estaba  y  muy  penoso, 
Triste  y  con  gran  cuidado, 
La  una  mano  en  la  mejilla 
Y  la  otra  en  el  costado,  etc.1 

Standing  on  a  lofty  teocalli  in  Tacuba,  a  group 
of  the  leaders,  including  Julian  de  Alderete 
and  Fray  Pedro  Melgarejo,  surveyed  the  valley, 
with  the  great  capital  floating  on  the  waters 
of  its  lake;  and  one,  Alonzo  Perez,  noting  the 
pensive  sadness  of  the  commander's  mien,  begged 
him  not  to  feel  dejected,  since  losses  and  de- 
struction were  incident  to  warfare,  but  that  of 
him  it  could  never  be  said  that  like  Nero  he 
had  watched  the  burning  city,  quoting  the 
couplet : 

1  Prescott  gives  the  following  accurate  and  acceptable 
English  rendering  of  these  verses: 

In  Tacuba  stood  Cortes, 

With  many  a  care  opprest, 

Thoughts  of  the  past  came  o'er  him, 

And  he  bowed  his  haughty  crest. 

One  hand  on  his  cheek  he  laid, 

The  other  on  his  breast, 

While  his  valiant  squadrons  round  him,  etc. 


Back  to  the  Capital  331 


Mira  Nero  de  Tarpeya 

A  Roma  como  se  ardia,  etc.1 

Cortes  answered,  calling  his  companions  to  wit- 
ness how  often  he  had  begged  the  Mexicans  to 
make  peace  and  save  themselves,  adding  that 
his  sadness  was  not  for  any  one  cause  alone, 
but  from  thinking  of  all  the  hardships  still  to 
be  endured  in  reconquering  the  city,  which,  with 
God's  help,  they  must  now  undertake. 

1  Nero,  from  the  Tarpeian  rock, 
Watched  while  Kome  was  burning,  etc. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


THE  SIEGE  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  CITY 

Action  of  the  Audiencia — Conspiracy  of  Villafana — 
Launching  the  Brigantines — Division  of  the  Forces 
— Fate  of  Xicotencatl — The  Aqueduct — The  Siege — 
First  Naval  Engagement— First  Assault 


HILE  Cortes  was  occupied  as  described 


V  V  in  the  last  chapter,  in  preparing  to  lay 
active  siege  to  the  Aztec  capital,  events  de- 
stined to  exert  an  influence  on  his  future  were 
happening  in  Spain  and  in  the  Islands. 

Information  of  the  defeat  and  imprisonment 
of  Narvaez  and  the  enrolment  of  his  men  un- 
der the  standard  of  Cortes  had  finally  reached 
Cuba,  tardily  indeed,  because  no  ships  had  been 
allowed  to  leave  Vera  Cruz.  Diego  Velasquez, 
in  the  first  heat  of  his  rage  against  Cortes,  pre- 
pared a  fleet  of  seven  or  eight  vessels,  of  which 
he  himself  took  command,  to  sail  for  Mexico 
and  reduce  the  rebel  to  obedience.  Arrived 
within  sight  of  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  more 
prudent,  if  less  valiant  counsels  prevailed,  and 
the  irate  governor  preferred  to  return  and 
nurse  his  outraged  dignity  in  Cuba,  rather  than 
risk  an  encounter  with  his  formidable  enemy  on 
Mexican  soil.  In  addition  to  the  cost  of  this 
fruitless  demonstration,  Diego  Velasquez  had 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  333 


to  bear  the  ridicule  provoked  by  its  failure.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  the  fleet  of  Narvaez 
had  sailed  from  Hispaniola,  in  defiance  of  the 
positive  prohibition  of  the  royal  audiencia's 
delegate.  Ayllon,  who  accompanied  it  to  Vera 
Cruz  in  the  hope  of  restraining  Narvaez's  im- 
petuosity and  preventing  acts  of  violence,  had 
been  seized  by  the  commander  and  bundled  back 
to  Hispaniola.  The  audiencia  did  not  meekly 
tolerate  such  contempt  of  its  authority  and  the 
viceroy,  Don  Diego  Columbus,  appointed  Alonzo 
Zuazo,  juez  de  residencia,  to  proceed  to  Cuba 
and  institute  proceedings  against  the  governor. 
Diego  Velasquez  and  his  partisans  denied  the 
authority  of  the  viceroy  to  exercise  such  juris- 
diction in  Cuba  and  appealed  the  case  to  the 
mother  country.  Manuel  de  Eojas,  a  relative 
of  Velasquez,  conducted  the  affair  in  Spain 
and,  with  the  support  of  the  Bishop  of  Burgos, 
succeeded  in  staying  further  proceedings  against 
Velasquez  and  Narvaez.  The  Bishop  obtained 
from  Cardinal  Adrian,  who  was  regent  of  the 
kingdom  during  the  Emperor's  absence,  the  ap- 
pointment of  Cristobal  de  Tapia  to  investigate 
all  questions  in  dispute  between  Diego  Velasquez 
and  Cortes.  He  was  given  full  powers  to  im- 
prison those  he  judged  to  be  culpable,  to  con- 
fiscate their  property,  and  to  refer  the  final 
judgment  to  the  royal  tribunals;  the  colonial 
authorities  were  instructed  to  grant  him  every 
assistance  in  carrying  out  his  mission.  Cris- 


334  Fernando  Cortes 


tobal  de  Tapia  was  the  inspector  of  the  royal 
foundries  in  Santo  Domingo,  a  reputable  man 
but  totally  incompetent  to  deal  with  Cortes. 
Both  in  Spain  and  Santo  Domingo,  those  who 
understood  the  importance  of  what  was  hap- 
pening in  Mexico,  opposed  these  measures  of 
the  Bishop,  and  when  the  authorisation  of  the 
regent  was  delivered  to  Tapia  in  Santo  Do- 
mingo, the  viceroy  and  others  persuaded  him 
to  await  the  outcome  of  the  operations  Cortes 
was  conducting  in  Mexico,  rather  than  bring 
ruin  upon  him  and  possibly  lose  the  country  by 
interfering  at  such  a  critical  moment.1 

Though  ignorant  of  the  menace  to  his  suc- 
cess that  was  being  prepared  by  his  foe  at  a 
distance,  Cortes  was  met  on  his  arrival  in  Tex- 
coco  at  the  conclusion  of  his  march  around  the 
valley,  by  revelations  of  a  design  on  his  life 
amongst  his  own  men.  The  Xarvaez  men  had 
been  shamed  and  laughed  out  of  their  plan  to 
desert  at  Tlascala,  but,  in  spite  of  the  victories 
that  had  since  attended  all  their  commander's 
operations,  their  hearts  were  not  with  him,  nor 
did  their  distrust  of  his  seemingly  wild  and 
reckless  scheme  of  conquest,  yield  place  to  con- 
fidence. One  of  these  men,  by  name  Villafana, 
formed  a  conspiracy  to  kill  Cortes,  Sandoval, 
Olid,  Alvarado,  and  several  other  of  his  prin- 
cipal officers,  and  he  had  worked  out  his  plot 
in  such  detail,  that  the  successors  of  the  coni- 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  torn,  iv.,  p.  558. 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  335 


manders  to  be  slain,  were  already  designated. 
A  packet  was  to  be  given  to  Cortes,  when  he 
was  seated  at  table  with  his  officers  in  their 
quarters,  and  while  he  was  engaged  in  opening 
the  papers,  the  conspirators  were  to  fall  upon 
them  and  despatch  them. 

Whether  too  many  men  were  involved  in  this 
plot,  or  too  much  time  was  allowed  to  elapse 
between  its  conception  and  its  execution,  is  not 
clear;  in  any  case,  one  of  the  men  privy  to  it 
repented,  and  the  day  previous  to  the  one  fixed 
for  carrying  it  out,  he  revealed  everything  to  the 
commander.  Calling  his  officers  together,  Cor- 
tes related  what  he  had  just  heard,  and  then 
going  all  together  to  the  quarters  of  Villafana, 
they  surprised  him  there  in  conference  with  sev- 
eral confederates.  Realising  that  he  was  dis- 
covered, the  traitor  attempted  to  destroy  a  slip 
of  paper  that  lay  on  the  table,  but  Cortes  was 
too  quick  for  him  and  in  glancing  down  the 
list  of  names  written  on  it,  he  was  much  sur- 
prised and  pained  to  find  some  whom  he  had  con- 
sidered his  faithful  friends  inscribed  amongst 
his  would-be  assassins.  Villafana  was  tried, 
found  guilty,  and  after  having  confessed  and 
received  absolution  was  hanged,  all  with 
such  military  promptness  that  his  dead  body, 
swinging  over  the  doorway  of  his  quarters,  was 
the  first  intimation  to  his  confederates  that  the 
conspiracy  had  been  discovered.  Anxious  in- 
deed, and  expectant  of  a  similar  fate  were  the 


336  Fernando  Cortes 


guilty  ones;  they  were  destined,  however,  to 
profit  by  a  wisdom  they  failed  to  comprehend, 
for  Cortes  decided  that  the  death  of  Villafana 
was  sufficient  to  strike  terror  into  the  others  and 
to  prevent  a  repetition  of  such  infamy.  He 
spoke  to  his  men,  explaining  the  reason  for 
their  comrade's  execution,  saying  that  Villa- 
fana had  swallowed  the  paper  containing  the 
list  of  his  accomplices  whose  names  were  there- 
fore unknown :  he  begged  that  if  any  one  had 
cause  for  complaint  against  him,  he  should  dis- 
close it,  for  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to 
satisfy  him.  Self-congratulation  on  their  es- 
cape from  sharing  the  fate  of  Villafana  smoth- 
ered all  desire  in  the  breasts  of  the  malcontents 
to  expose  any  grievances,  real  or  imaginary,  in 
response  to  this  invitation. 

The  most  important  consequence  of  this 
conspiracy  was  the  formation  of  a  body- 
guard composed  of  twelve  men,  commanded  by 
Antonio  de  Quinones,  that  henceforth  accom- 
panied the  commander.  As  for  the  traitors, 
whose  names  were  known  to  him,  Cortes  never 
allowed  his  knowledge  to  appear,  though  he 
was  careful  never  again  to  place  these  men 
in  positions  where  they  might  work  him  mis- 
chief. 

For  weeks,  the  natives  in  the  neighbouring 
villages  had  been  diligently  at  work  making 
arrows,  lances,  and  other  munitions  of  war, — 
thousands  of  each  kind  of  weapon  being  pre- 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  337 


pared;  and  now  the  brigantines  were  completed 
and  lay  in  the  canal,  ready  to  be  launched. 
Eight  thousand  men  had  laboured  on  the  con- 
struction of  the  first  fleet  ever  built  and  launched 
in  American  waters.  Sunday  the  twenty-eighth 
of  April  having  been  fixed  for  the  ceremony  of 
launching  the  new  vessels,  all  the  Spaniards, 
officers,  and  men,  confessed  and  received  the 
Holy  Communion,  in  preparation  for  the  im- 
portant event.  Near  the  shore  of  the  lake, 
an  altar  had  been  erected,  decorated  with  what 
splendour  their  resources  furnished,  for  the 
celebration  by  Fray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo  of 
the  mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  After  a  sermon 
on  the  significance  of  the  event  about  to  take 
place  and  the  object  all  must  have  in  view  in 
carrying  on  the  war,  the  boats  were  solemnly 
blessed  and,  the  ropes  being  loosed,  one  by  one 
the  little  crafts  glided  from  the  waters  of  the 
canal  onto  the  bosom  of  the  lake.  Each  in  its 
turn  unfurled  its  flag  to  the  wind  and  fired  a 
salute,  to  which  the  Spaniards  and  Indians  as- 
sembled on  the  shore  responded  with  cheers, 
sound  of  music,  and  salvos  of  artillery.  The 
celebration  of  the  happily  accomplished  launch- 
ing terminated  with  the  singing  of  Te  Deum 
Laudamus.1  Of  all  the  incidents  of  the  life  of 
Cortes  in  Mexico,  the  launching  of  these  little 

1  Motolinia,  Hist,  de  los  Indios  in  Icazbalceta,  pars  i., 
cap,  i.;  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  ii.,  p.  58;  Herrera,  dec. 
iii.,  lib.  i.,  cap.  vi. 


338  Fernando  Cortes 


brigantines  is  the  one  at  which  all  Christendom 
might  most  desire  to  have  assisted. 

A  review  of  the  forces  which  was  then  held, 
showed  them  to  number  eighty-seven  horsemen, 
eight  hundred  and  eighteen  foot,  including  one 
hundred  and  eighteen  arquebusiers  and  cross- 
bowmen.  There  were  eighteen  large  guns,  of 
which  three  were  heavy  field-pieces,  and  the 
other  fifteen,  brass  falconets.  The  supply  of 
ammunition  was  ample  and,  in  addition  to  the 
shot,  powder,  and  balls,  there  were  some  fifty 
thousand  lances,  tipped  with  copper  points, 
which  the  Indians  had  made  from  a  model  fur- 
nished them  by  Cortes.  In  response  to  his 
summons,  the  Indian  allies  began  to  pour  into 
Texcoco ;  fifty  thousand  of  the  best  fighting  men 
of  Tlascala,  well  armed  and  making  a  brilliant 
show,  were  commanded  by  their  young  general 
Xicotencatl.  The  auxiliaries  furnished  by  other 
tribes  and  provinces  were  ordered  to  assemble 
in  Chalco,  as  they  would  be  employed  during 
the  siege  on  the  southern  side  of  the  city. 

The  division  of  the  forces  was  very  carefully 
planned  by  Cortes:  two  of  the  three  divisions 
were  to  have  their  permanent  base  at  the  ex- 
tremity of  different  causeways  from  whence  at- 
tacks on  the  city  could  be  made  in  unison. 
Pedro  de  Alvarado,  in  command  of  thirty  horse- 
men, one  hundred  and  sixty-eight  Spanish  foot- 
soldiers,  and  twenty-five  thousand  allies  was 
stationed  in  Tacuba.    Cristobal  de  Olid's  base 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  339 


was  in  Coyohuacan  where,  with  thirty  horse- 
men, one  hundred  and  seventy-eight  foot-soldiers, 
and  twenty  thousand  Indians  he  held  the  great 
causeway  leading  to  the  fortress  of  Xoloc  and 
the  capital.  The  third  division  was  commanded 
by  Gonsalvo  de  Sandoval,  and  consisted  of 
twenty-four  horsemen,  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
nine  foot-soldiers,  and  more  than  thirty  thou- 
sand Indians  from  Tlascala,  Cholula,  and 
Chalco.  Sandoval  was  to  go  first  to  Iztapala- 
pan  and,  after  completing  the  destruction  of 
that  place,  was  to  join  the  camp  of  Olid  at 
Coyohuacan,  his  ultimate  movements  to  depend 
on  the  later  orders  he  would  receive  from  Cortes. 

The  thirteen  brigantines, — or  rather  twelve, 
for  one  was  found  to  be  defective, — with  Cortes 
in  command,  were  manned  by  three  hundred 
men.  Although  a  number  of  men  of  the  ex- 
pedition had  been  sailors  and  fishermen  and 
consequently  knew  something  about  handling 
boats,  none  of  them  wanted  to  act  as  rowers 
for  the  brigantines,  and  it  was  with  difficulty 
that  the  crews  were  completed.  Many  of  the 
natives  of  Palos,  Triana,  and  other  seaports, 
who  were  ordered  to  take  the  oars,  even  objected 
on  the  score  of  their  gentle  birth,  but  the  com- 
mander enforced  his  orders  in  spite  of  all  ex- 
cuses and  protests.  Each  brigantine  displayed 
the  royal  standard  as  well  as  its  own  particular 
ensign,  and  carried  a  falconet.  Before  despatch- 
ing the  divisions  to  their  several  destinations, 


34°  Fernando  Cortes 


Cortes  made  a  stirring  address  to  the  united 
forces,  reminding  them  of  the  extraordinary 
good  fortune  that  had  recently  sent  them  re- 
inforcements, arms,  ammunition,  and  repeated 
victories,  even  beyond  their  most  sanguine  hopes ; 
these  were  all  so  many  proofs  of  divine  protec- 
tion, for  they  were  fighting  in  a  holy  cause, — 
for  the  spread  of  the  Faith  and  the  extension  of 
the  dominions  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns  of 
Spain.  There  was,  therefore,  every  reason  for 
confidence  and  rejoicing, — they  must  conquer 
or  they  must  die.1 

These  sentiments  found  a  ready  echo  in  the 
hearts  of  his  hearers,  who  burst  forth  into  ac- 
clamations and  protests  of  fidelity.  The  veter- 
ans of  the  little  band  had  weathered  the  severest 
trials  and  could  honestly  view  with  satisfaction 
their  present  condition  as  the  best  they  had 
known  since  they  landed  in  Mexico;  never  be- 
fore had  there  been  such  a  force,  such  artillery 
and  ammunition,  so  many  allies  and  horses  and, 
most  of  all,  a  fleet.  The  lukewarm  men  of  the 
Narvaez  group,  repentant,  doubtless,  of  their 
recent  treachery  and  thankful  for  their  escape 
from  sharing  Villafana's  fate,  counted  on  oppor- 
tunities of  making  good  their  fault  by  deeds  of 
heroism,  while  all,  whether  they  would  or  not, 
were  whipped  on  by  the  obvious  truth  of  their 
leader's  reminder,  that  it  was  "  conquer  or  die." 

Cortes  makes  no  mention  in  his  report  to  the 
1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  ii.,  p.  59. 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  341 


Emperor,  of  an  incident  of  bad  augury  that 
occurred  just  at  this  time.  This  was  the  de- 
sertion of  the  Tlascalan  general,  Xicotencatl, 
who  left  the  army  accompanied  by  a  few  fol- 
lowers, and  returned  to  Tlascala.  Various 
reasons  are  given  for  his  action;  Bernal  Diaz 
attributes  it  to  jealousy  of  Chichimecatl  and  a 
perfidious  plan  to  get  possession  of  his  lands 
while  the  latter  was  absent,  fighting  against 
Mexico.  Herrera  ascribes  his  desire  to  return 
home,  to  a  love  affair.1  It  seems,  however,  that 
there  had  been  a  quarrel  between  a  Spanish 
soldier  and  a  Tlascalan  chief,  in  which  the  latter 
was  badly  wounded;  the  matter  was  hushed  up, 
so  that  Cortes  should  not  hear  of  it,  as  he  was 
very  strict  in  such  matters;  thus  the  soldier  re- 
mained unpunished  and,  as  Xicotencatl  was  a 
relative  of  the  wounded  chief,  he  left.2 

Cortes  first  sent  some  Tlascalans  to  seek  to 
induce  him  to  return  and,  this  failing,  he  de- 
spatched some  Spanish  horsemen  with  orders  to 
arrest  the  general  and  bring  him  back.  He 
simultaneously  sent  news  of  the  affair  to  the 
senate  of  Tlascala,  informing  the  senators  that 
amongst  Spaniards,  desertion  was  punishable 
by  death.  The  versions  of  XicotencatPs  end  do 
not  agree.  Herrera  describes  his  death  by  hang- 
ing in  public  at  Texcoco,  while  Bernal  Diaz 
says  he  was  executed  where  he  was  captured. 

1  Lib.  i.,  cap.  xvii. 

2  Prescott,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  iv. 


342  Fernando  Cortes 


Xicotencatl  had  always  mistrusted  the  Span- 
iards nor  could  the  blandishments  of  Cortes, 
nor  the  popular  sentiment  in  Tlascala  ever 
change  his  opinion.  He  was  opposed  to  the  al- 
liance and,  after  fighting  the  Spaniards  in  the 
field,  he  continued  to  oppose  them  in  the  coun- 
cils of  his  people.  Cortes  was  aware  of  his 
sentiments  and  conscious  of  the  bad  effect  such 
an  example  of  desertion  would  have  if  left  un- 
punished; it  is  also  likely  he  was  glad  to  be 
rid  of  an  ally  on  whose  fidelity  he  could  not 
count.  XicotencatPs  act  of  desertion  was  in- 
defensible and  its  penalty,  according  to  the  code 
of  Tlascala,  was  death. 

In  addition  to  the  forces  named,  the  Mexican 
historian  Ixtlilxochitl  enumerates  allies  from 
Itzocan,  Tepeaca,  Otumpa,  Tollantzinco,  Xilol- 
tepec,  and  other  provinces,  that  bring  the  sum 
total  up  to  two  hundred  thousand  fighting  men ; 
fifty  thousand  workmen  were  ready  for  road- 
making,  bridge-building,  repairing  arms,  and 
supplying  new  ones ;  of  camp  servants  there  were 
numbers  in  proportion  to  the  needs  of  this  vast 
army,  so  that,  all  told,  the  Indian  forces  led  by 
Cortes  against  Quauhtemotzin  fell  little  short 
of  three  hundred  thousand  men.1 

On  the  twenty-second  of  May,  the  divisions  of 

1  Ixtlilxochitl,  Relation,  p.  20.  These  numbers  are 
greatly  reduced  by  other  writers;  as  has  been  already 
noted,  all  such  estimates  are  not  based  on  actual  counting 
and  must  be  taken  as  expressing  the  idea  of  multitude. 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  343 


Alvarado  and  Olid  marched  out  of  Texcoco  to 
take  up  their  respective  positions,  and  after  two 
days  occupied  in  their  march  through  deserted 
towns  where  no  opposition  was  offered,  the 
siege  of  the  Mexico-Tenochititlan  may  be  dated 
from  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  May,  when  these 
two  divisions  arrived  in  Tacuba  where  Alvarado 
and  his  force  were  to  remain.  The  two  cap- 
tains were  not  friends;  at  Acolman,  where  the 
first  night  out  from  Texcoco  had  been  passed, 
a  squabble  had  arisen  over  the  selection  of 
houses  in  the  town  for  their  respective  quarters, 
that  was  only  prevented  from  ending  in  blood- 
shed by  the  intervention  of  Fray  Pedro  Mel- 
garejo  and  Luis  Marin,  who  were  despatched, 
as  soon  as  Cortes  heard  of  the  quarrel,  with 
instructions  to  pacify  the  litigants. 

The  first  blow  struck  at  the  city,  was  to  cut 
off  its  water  supply  by  destroying  the  conduits 
that  carried  the  water  from  Chapultepec  into 
the  capital.  The  Mexicans,  realising  the  im- 
portance of  the  aqueduct,  had  foreseen  that  it 
would  be  attacked  and  had  prepared  for  its 
defence.  Immediately  after  mass,  which  was 
said  by  the  chaplain,  Juan  Diaz,  both  captains 
led  an  attack  on  the  aqueduct;  the  engagement 
was  a  sharp  one,  but  the  Spaniards  were  vic- 
torious and  succeeded  in  breaking  the  conduit 

Alaman,  Disertacion,  i.,  estimates  a  total  of  150,000  allies 
and  Cortes  himself  mentions  50,000  Tlascalans,  but  no 
others. 


344 


Fernando  Cortes 


which  was  built  of  stone,  mortar,  and  wood; 
three  Spaniards  were  wounded  and  a  number  of 
Indian  allies  were  killed.  After  some  further 
fighting  the  next  day,  Olid  proceeded  to  his  de- 
signated headquarters  at  Coyohuacan  some  two 
leagues  distant  from  Tacuba,  so  that  the  two 
commanders  could  henceforward  co-operate  with 
one  another  in  their  operations  against  the 
enemy. 

On  the  thirty-first  of  May,  Gonzalo  de  Sando- 
val left  Mexico  and  marched  to  Iztapalapan, 
passing  through  Chalco,  where  his  force  was 
joined  by  large  bodies  of  Indian  allies,  who 
were  there  awaiting  him.  The  three  divisions 
having  taken  their  designated  places,  Cortes 
embarked  on  his  flagship,  and  the  little  fleet 
moved  slowly  out  of  the  harbour  of  Texcoco, 
headed  for  Iztapalapan,  where  it  was  part  of 
his  plan  to  assist  Sandoval.  Signal  fires  on  the 
neighbouring  hills  sent  their  columns  of  smoke 
towards  the  sky  and,  being  repeated  from  one 
point  to  another,  the  entire  valley  was  promptly 
informed  of  the  Spanish  commander's  move- 
ments. As  the  brigantines  neared  the  rocky 
island  of  Tepepolco,1  the  Aztec  garrison  let  fly 
a  volley  of  arrows  and  raised  cries  of  defiance; 
not  wishing  to  leave  this  fortified  stronghold  of 
his  enemies  behind  him,  Cortes  landed  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  who,  after  a  fierce  contest, 

1  Afterwards  the  property  of  Cortes  and  called  Penol 
del  Marques. 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  345 


succeeded  in  reaching  the  rocky  summit.  Every 
man  of  the  garrison  died  at  his  post,  only  the 
women  and  children  being  spared.  "  But  it  was 
a  beautiful  victory/'  wrote  Cortes  in  his  third 
letter  of  relation  to  Charles  V.  Meanwhile,  in 
response  to  the  signals  of  alarm,  fifteen  hun- 
dred canoes,  filled  with  warriors,  had  come  out 
from  the  canals  of  the  capital  and  were  seen  ad- 
vancing towards  the  brigantines.  Cortes  ordered 
his  ships  to  remain  perfectly  quiet;  he  was 
anxious  that  the  first  encounter  with  the  enemy's 
boats  should  be  decisive  in  establishing  his  su- 
premacy on  the  lake.  This  inactivity  mystified 
the  Indians  whose  canoes,  after  approaching  to 
within  a  short  distance  of  the  brigantines,  also 
stopped,  and  the  men  of  the  rival  fleets  regarded 
one  another  for  a  short  space,  in  silence. 

Again,  as  Cortes  predicted,  "Fortune  favoured 
the  daring,"  for  a  land  wind  suddenly  sprang 
up  astern  of  the  brigantines,  whose  quickly-set 
sails  swelled  with  the  freshening  breeze,  bearing 
them  with  impetuous  force  into  the  very  midst 
of  the  Mexican  canoes.  The  frail  craft  were 
smashed  to  splinters,  overturned  and  sunk  by 
the  superior  size  and  weight  of  the  Spanish 
boats,  from  whose  decks  a  rapid  fire  of  mus- 
ketry and  the  discharge  of  the  falconets  created 
terrible  havoc  among  the  wreckage  of  boats  and 
the  drowning  Aztecs.  The  few  who  managed 
to  escape  the  general  destruction  were  pursued 
for  a  distance  of  three  leagues,  until  they  took 


346  Fernando  Cortes 


refuge  in  the  canals  of  the  city,  where  the  brig- 
antines were  unable  to  penetrate.  The  opera- 
tions on  the  water  being  plainly  visible  to  the 
Spanish  garrison  at  Coyohuacan,  Cristobal  de 
Olid  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  that  had 
overtaken  the  enemy,  to  march  his  entire  force 
out  onto  the  causeway  leading  to  the  capital 
and,  in  spite  of  the  determined  resistance  of  the 
Mexican  troops,  he  managed  to  capture  several 
bridges  and  to  kill  and  scatter  their  defenders. 
Night  was  falling  when  the  brigantines  anchored 
off  the  little  fortress  of  Xolob  that  stood,  as  has 
been  said,  at  the  point  where  the  causeway  L 
leading  to  Coyohuacan  joined  the  main  road 
to  Iztapalapan. 

The  strategic  value  of  the  position  at  once 
struck  Cortes,  who  changed  his  original  plan, 
which  was  to  use  Coyohuacan  as  the  station  for 
his  fleet,  and  decided  then  and  there  to  make 
Xoloc  his  headquarters;  the  anchorage  for  the 
ships  was  good  and  the  roads  were  open  to  both 
Iztapalapan  and  Coyohuacan,  while  just  before 
him  lay  the  city.  The  fortress  being  small,  its 
Aztec  garrison  was  not  numerous  and  was  dis- 
lodged with  little  difficulty.  The  heavy  guns 
were  so  mounted  as  to  command  the  causeway 
leading  into  Mexico,  half  a  league  distant,  while 
the  brigantines  prevented  the  enemy's  approach 
in  canoes.  Orders  were  sent  to  Olid  to  advance 
with  one  half  of  his  force  to  Xoloc,  while  San- 
doval was  instructed  to  abandon  Iztapalapan, 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  347 


now  practically  destroyed,  and,  after  sending 
fifty  of  his  men  to  reinforce  the  camp  on  the 
causeway,  to  proceed  with  the  remainder  to  the 
garrison  in  Coyohuacan.  Thus  Cortes  proceeded 
to  lay  siege  to  Mexico-Tenochtitlan. 

The  fortifications  of  Xoloc  were  improved  and 
strengthened,  a  channel  was  dug  across  the 
causeway  to  allow  the  brigantines  to  pass 
through  to  the  other  side  and,  after  five  or  six 
days  of  incessant  fighting,  by  day  and  night, 
the  great  southern  and  western  causeways  were 
in  absolute  possession  of  the  Spaniards.  The 
northern  causeway,  leading  to  Tepeyaca,  was  still 
open,  affording  facilities  for  provisioning  the 
city  or  of  escaping  from  it,  were  the  Mexicans 
so  inclined.  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  was  sent  to 
occupy  a  position  on  that  avenue  of  approach, 
after  which  the  isolation  of  the  capital  became 
complete,  save  for  the  coming  and  going  of 
the  swift  canoes  which,  in  spite  of  the  activity 
and  vigilance  of  the  brigantines,  frequently 
managed  to  escape  capture. 

Sunday,  the  ninth  of  June,  was  fixed  for  the 
first  general  assault  on  the  city,  by  the  united 
forces  of  Spaniards  and  allies,  sustained  by  the 
fleet.  Mass  was  said  at  an  early  hour,  and  from 
each  of  the  three  positions  the  attacking  forces 
advanced  along  the  causeway.  The  column  led 
by  Cortes  found  the  bridges  spanning  the  ditches 
that  divided  the  causeway  at  intervals  destroyed, 
and  at  each  of  these  open  canals  a  barricade 


348  Fernando  Cortes 


defended  by  Mexicans  had  been  erected ;  the  first 
was  captured  and  crossed  with  little  difficulty; 
at  the  second  the  fighting  was  sharper  and  more 
prolonged  but,  with  comparatively  little  effort, 
the  Spaniards  succeeded,  after  two  hours,  in 
penetrating  to  the  main  square  of  the  city.  The 
artillery  and  brigantines  had  rendered  the  great- 
est services  up  to  this  point,  for  one  discharge 
of  the  guns  would  sweep  the  street  from  end  to 
end,  while  from  the  ships,  which  moved  along 
each  side  of  the  causeway,  a  merciless  fire  was 
poured  into  the  Aztec  entrenchments  at  the 
bridges. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  chief  temple 
surrounded  by  the  coatepantli,  or  wall  of  ser- 
pents, and  dominated  by  the  great  teocalli, 
stood  in  this  square.  Placing  a  piece  of  ar- 
tillery at  the  entrance,  Cortes  raised  his  battle 
cry  of  "  Santiago  "  and  led  a  charge  that  drove 
the  Aztecs  pell-mell  before  him  into  the  sacred 
enclosure  of  the  temple.  From  the  terraces  of 
the  pyramid,  the  priests  called  on  the  god  of  war 
and  animated  the  warriors  fighting  below  in  the 
court-yard,  while  over  the  noise  of  the  battle  was 
heard  the  ominous  booming  of  their  great  drum 
of  serpents'  skins  that  stood  on  the  summit  of 
the  teocalli.  Vain  was  the  effort  to  defend  their 
temples;  the  inadequate  weapons  of  the  Mexi- 
cans could  not  withstand  the  Spanish  steel,  and 
after  a  brief  but  fierce  struggle,  the  Christians 
reached  the  top  of  the  pyramid  and,  for  the 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  349 


second  time,  smashed  the  idols,  hurling  them 
down  into  the  stone-paved  court-yard,  accom- 
panied by  the  bodies  of  the  priests  who  served 
their  blood-stained  altars.  As  though  galva- 
nised into  new  courage  by  the  sacrilegious  de- 
struction of  their  deities,  the  Mexicans  fell  with 
unexampled  fury  on  the  Spaniards  as  they  de- 
scended from  the  pyramid  and,  taking  them 
somewhat  by  surprise,  they  drove  them  out  from 
the  court-yard  into  the  square,  where  fresh  troops 
attacked  them,  thus  taking  them  between  two 
fires.  Bewildered  by  the  suddenness  of  the  on- 
slaught, the  Spaniards  lost  their  presence  of 
mind;  their  ranks  were  broken  and  they  were 
hopelessly  scattered,  each  one  flying  for  his  life 
amidst  the  crowd  of  foes.  The  allies  became 
panic-stricken,  thus  adding  to  the  general  rout, 
which  all  the  efforts  of  their  leaders  were  unable 
to  check. 

The  threatened  disaster  was  only  stayed  by  the 
opportune  arrival  of  a  small  body  of  horsemen; 
no  familiarity  had  sufficed  to  quite  disillusion- 
ise the  Mexicans  about  the  horses  and,  failing 
on  this  occasion  to  realise  their  insignificant 
number,  they  yielded  to  their  unreasoning  fears 
and  the  conviction  that  a  large  body  of  cavalry 
was  upon  them ;  they  abandoned  their  victorious 
onslaught  and  fled  from  the  square. 

The  long  day  of  incessant  fighting,  with  vary- 
ing fortune,  was  drawing  to  its  close,  and  Cor- 
tes ordered  the  trumpets  to  sound  the  retreat, 


35°  Fernando  Cortes 


which  was  effected  in  good  order,  the  allies 
taking  the  lead,  followed  by  the  Spanish  foot- 
soldiers  while  the  rear  was  protected  by  the 
horsemen.  The  operations  of  Alvarado  and 
Sandoval  on  the  other  causeways  were  less  suc- 
cessful, owing  largely  to  the  fact  that  they  had 
no  brigantines  to  sustain  them  and,  in  part  also, 
to  the  greater  number  of  barricades  that  had 
to  be  captured.  Thus  ended  the  first  general 
assault  on  the  beleaguered  city. 

Cortes  in  reporting  this  day's  fighting  to 
Charles  V.  imperturbably  assures  the  Emperor 
that  neither  the  Spaniards  nor  their  allies  sus- 
tained any  loss,  though  he  admits  there  were 
some  wounded.1  It  seems,  however,  incredible 
that  both  Spaniards  and  allies  should  have  suf- 
fered no  loss  in  this  long  day's  fighting,  which, 
though  it  ended  to  their  advantage,  had  wit- 
nessed their  utter  rout  and  the  capture  of  the 
field-gun  on  the  square.  Bernal  Diaz,  who  wTas 
fighting  under  Alvarado,  on  the  causeway  from 
the  Tacuba  side,  gives  a  more  convincing  de- 
scription of  the  daily  losses  and  the  wounds, 
which  the  men  had  to  dress  as  best  they  could 
when  they  returned  at  night  to  their  camp. 
There  was  a  soldier,  Juan  Catalan,  who  was  re- 
puted to  have  the  gift  of  healing  by  prayer  and 
charms  and  who  had  his  hands  full,  as  the  In- 
dians also  placed  faith  in  him  and  brought  him 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  ii.,  p.  77. 


The  Siege  of  the  Imperial  City  351 


all  their  wounded.  "  I  say  "  the  soldier-chroni- 
cler piously  adds,  "  that  it  pleased  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  in  His  mercy,  to  give  us  strength, 
and  to  speedily  heal  us." 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE  FALL  OF  THE  AZTEC  EMPIRE 


Progress  of  the  Siege — Aztec  Victories — Attack  on  Tlate- 
lolco — The  Great  Disaster — Sotelo's  Catapult — Last 
Days — Quauhtemotzin  Captured  and  Tortured — The 
Victory  and  the  Losses — Fruits  of  Conquest 


LTHOUGH  the  first  general  assault  on  the 


tory  for  the  Spaniards,  the  destruction  of  the 
great  temple  had  dealt  the  prestige  of  the 
Mexicans  a  telling  blow.  Observant  caciques 
in  the  neighbourhood,  who  had  still  wavered, 
hesitated  no  longer,  but  hastened  to  Xoloc  to 
offer  their  allegiance  to  Malintzin.  The  peo- 
ple of  their  tribes  were  chiefly  useful  in  build- 
ing huts  for  the  soldiers,  bringing  in  provisions, 
and  performing  the  menial  labours  of  the 
camp.  Prince  Ixtlilxochitl  of  Texcoco  pro- 
vided a  fresh  force  of  fifty  thousand  warriors, 
and  the  influence  of  his  action  on  the  lesser 
caciques  of  the  valley  was  immediately  ap- 
parent. The  defection  of  the  lake-towns  cut 
off  the  source  of  the  city's  supplies. 

Cortes  followed  up  his  first  attack  by  a 
second  on  the  following  day,  penetrating  again 
to   the   great   square,   where   he  burned  one 


resulted  in  a  complete  vie- 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire    3  53 


of  the  most  interesting  and  beautiful  buildings 
in  Mexico, — the  imperial  aviary.  The  fighting 
was  always  of  the  same  character,  the  Span- 
iards storming  the  barricades  erected  at  the 
open  ditches  on  the  causeways,  then  struggling 
through  the  water  to  the  opposite  side  to 
pursue  the  retreating  foe.  The  brigantines 
raked  the  causeways  with  a  cross  fire  and 
penetrated  each  day  a  little  farther  into  the 
larger  of  the  city's  numerous  canals.  The  large 
guns  were  fearfully  destructive,  but  the  horse- 
men were  even  more  dreaded  by  the  natives, 
who  could  not  entirely  divest  themselves  of 
their  superstitious  terror  of  the  cavaliers. 

At  the  hour  of  vespers,  the  Spaniards  re- 
treated to  their  several  quarters  and,  on  enter- 
ing the  city  the  following  morning,  they 
invariably  found  that  the  water  courses  they 
had  filled  up  with  earth,  adobes,  and  other 
available  rubbish,  had  been  dug  out  again  during 
the  night  and  the  barricades  rebuilt.  One  by 
one  the  few  remaining  tribes  and  cities  of 
An&huac  abandoned  the  beleaguered  capital  to 
its  fate. 

The  perfidy  of  these  people  dealt  a  terrible 
blow  to  Quauhtemotzin  and  the  defenders  of 
Tenochtitlan  for,  to  their  defection,  they  added 
treachery  of  the  blackest  complexion.  Their 
chiefs  appeared  before  the  Emperor  with  offers 
of  assistance,  which  were  gratefully  accepted 
by  the  hard-pressed  sovereign.  Their  troops 
23 


354  Fernando  Cortes 


were  assigned  places,  and  when  the  fighting  be- 
gan, made  a  feint  at  first  of  attacking  their 
Spanish  allies,  but  afterwards  suddenly  turned 
their  arms  against  the  Mexicans,  who  were 
taken  completely  by  surprise;  their  chiefs 
quickly  rallied,  however,  and  bringing  up  fresh 
troops,  the  traitors  were  soon  severely  punished, 
and  leaving  many  dead  and  prisoners,  the  re- 
mainder fled  from  the  city  and  rejoined  the 
besiegers.  The  prisoners  were  upbraided  by 
Macehuatzin,  lord  of  Cuitlahuac,  who  decapi- 
tated four  of  the  principal  ones  with  his  own 
hand  and  delivered  the  others  to  Quauhtemotzin, 
who  ordered  them  to  be  sacrificed  in  the  tem- 
ples of  Mexico  and  Tlatelolco.1  One  of  the 
worst  effects  of  the  defection  of  the  lake-towns 
was  to  cut  off  the  supplies  of  fresh  water  and 
food,  which,  in  spite  of  the  vigilance  of  the 
brigantines,  they  had  found  means  to  transport 
into  the  blockaded  city.  Henceforth  hunger 
was  added  to  the  horrors  of  the  siege,  while 
the  Spanish  camp  was  enriched  by  supplies  of 
fresh  provisions. 

The  force  at  the  disposal  of  Cortes  was  too 
small  to  admit  of  establishing  a  night-watch  to 
protect  the  ditches  and  barricades  captured 
during  the  day;  his  men  were  exhausted  by  the 
day's  fighting,  and  the  allies  were  of  little  avail 
unless  led  by  Spaniards.    He  therefore  reluc- 

1  Sahagun,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxxiv.;  Torquemada,  lib.  iv., 
cap.  cxiii. 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  355 


tantly  ordered  that  all  the  buildings  of  the  city 
should  be  destroyed,  street  by  street,  as  the  troops 
advanced;  the  Mexicans  were  thus  forced,  little 
by  little,  towards  the  Tlatelolco  quarter  of  the 
town,  of  which  the  central  point  was  the  great 
market-place.  Alvarado  adopted  other  tactics 
on  the  Tacuba  causeway  and  mounted  a  guard 
of  forty  soldiers,  relieved  at  regular  intervals 
during  the  night,  to  defend  the  positions  he 
had  captured. 

Quauhtemotzin  showed  himself  as  resourceful 
as  he  was  determined,  and  for  more  than  two 
months  he  held  the  mighty  force  of  the  be- 
siegers at  bay.  Though  attacked  from  three 
different  positions,  he  not  only  maintained  an 
able  defence,  but,  departing  from  the  Aztec 
custom  of  never  fighting  after  nightfall, 
he  organised  night  attacks  on  the  Spanish 
camps  that  kept  the  exhausted  Christians  con- 
stantly on  the  alert.  In  his  reports  to  Charles 
V.,  Cortes  says  nothing  of  the  losses  suffered 
by  the  Spaniards  during  the  operations  of 
these  days,  though  they  were  considerable 
enough  to  merit  notice.  The  Mexicans  had 
arranged  a  clever  device  for  capturing  the 
brigantines,  which  was  partially  successful. 
They  stationed  thirty  of  their  largest  canoes, 
filled  with  warriors,  amongst  some  rushes,  and 
after  driving  a  number  of  stakes  into  the  bottom 
of  the  lake  in  such  wise  as  to  impede  the  move- 
ments of  the  brigantines,  some  smaller  canoes, 


356  Fernando  Cortes 


such  as  usually  carried  supplies,  were  then  sent 
into  the  open,  where  they  were  quickly  dis- 
covered by  the  Spaniards,  who  gave  chase, 
allowing  themselves  to  be  decoyed  into  the 
trap,  where  the  stakes  interfered  with  their 
movements.  The  captain  of  one  of  the  brig- 
antines,  Portillo,  was  killed  and  Pedro  Barbo 
was  mortally  wounded;  many  others  were 
wounded  and  the  Mexicans  carried  off  one 
brigantine  in  triumph.  They  paid  dearly  for 
their  victory,  however,  for  Cortes  was  so  much 
mortified  by  this  disaster  that  a  counter- 
ambuscade  was  prepared,  which  drew  the  Mexi- 
cans successfully,  and  in  which  they  suffered 
severe  loss  of  many  canoes,  a  number  of  slain, 
and  others  prisoners. 

The  Aztecs  had  one  formidable  warrior  of 
giant  stature  called  Tzilacatzin,  who  was  won- 
derfully skilful  with  his  sling,  every  stone  he 
sent  bringing  down  its  man.  He  was  made 
the  aim  of  all  the  Spanish  archers  and  musket- 
eers, his  great  stature  making  him  easily 
distinguishable,  but  they  could  never  hit  him. 
On  one  of  these  days,  eighteen  Spaniards  were 
captured  alive  and  sacrificed,  their  bodies  be- 
ing afterwards  cut  up  and  distributed  to  be 
eaten.  Another  day,  a  furious  assault  led  by 
a  daring  warrior  of  Tlatelolco  called  Tlapane- 
catl,  almost  succeeded  in  capturing  the  ensign, 
Corral,  who  carried  the  Spanish  standard,  and 
did  carry  off  no  less  than  fifty-three  Castilian 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  357 


prisoners,  besides  numerous  of  the  allies  and 
four  horses,  all  of  whom  were  sacrificed  in 
various  temples.  Alvarado's  division  was  de- 
coyed by  the  Mexicans  into  a  cleverly  devised 
trap  between  two  waterways,  and  completely 
routed.  In  this  disaster,  which  Cortes  only 
mentioned  briefly  in  his  Third  Letter  of  Re- 
lation, five  more  Spaniards  were  taken  alive, 
besides  many  Indian  prisoners;  a  horseman 
and  his  horse  were  drowned  and  the  survivors, 
all  badly  wounded  and  utterly  demoralised, 
drew  off  to  their  camp  amidst  the  victorious 
shouts  of  the  Mexicans.  The  latter  pursued 
them  up  to  the  very  camp,  but  were  repulsed 
with  loss  by  a  small  battery  stationed  there, 
which  was  worked  by  an  able  engineer,  named 
Medrano.  The  guns  were  so  placed  that  they 
raked  the  entire  causeway  and  as  the  brigan- 
tines  used  their  falconets  on  both  sides,  the 
camp  was  effectively  protected.1  Alvarado  was 
an  intrepid  commander,  and,  nothing  daunted 
by  his  repulse,  he  continued  for  four  days  to 
renew  his  attack  at  the  same  point,  until  on 
Friday,  June  28th,  he  finally  captured  the  bridge. 
Six  more  Spaniards  perished  in  these  combats, 
besides  the  wounded  and  allies,  whose  dead  were 
unnumbered. 

The  market-place  of  Tlatelolco  had  become 
the  objective  point  towards  which  the  attacks 

iBernal  Diaz,  cap.  cii.;  Sahagun,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  xxvi.; 
Torquemada,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xciii. 


358  Fernando  Cortes 


from  the  three  Spanish  camps  were  directed, 
and  its  capture  became  a  matter  of  rivalry  be- 
tween the  men  of  the  different  divisions,  for  all 
were  persuaded  that  with  its  fall,  the  city  must 
make  terms  and  capitulate.  Yielding  to  the 
importunities  of  his  impatient  troops,  Cortes 
called  a  council  of  war  in  which  he  allowed  his 
own  judgment  to  be  overruled,  and  a  concen- 
trated effort  to  reach  the  market-place  was 
decided  upon.  The  day  fixed  was  Sunday, 
June  30th,  and,  after  the  celebration  of 
mass,  Cortes  left  Xoloc  with  his  entire  force, 
the  fleet  of  seven  brigantines  and  some  three 
thousand  canoes  of  the  Indian  allies  having 
already  moved  off  towards  the  canals  leading 
into  the  city,  from  whence  they  were  to  sus- 
tain their  part  in  the  approaching  combat. 
Halting  at  the  Tacuba  causeway,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  outline  his  plan  of  action  and  to 
assign  to  each  officer  his  position.  Alderete, 
in  command  of  seventy  foot-soldiers,  and  some 
twenty  thousand  allies,  with  a  rear-guard  of 
eight  horsemen,  was  ordered  to  advance  along 
the  main  street  leading  directly  to  the  market- 
place. His  force  was  accompanied  by  a  large 
number  of  Indians,  whose  business  it  was  to 
fill  in  the  ditches  crossing  the  streets,  from 
which  the  bridges  had  been  removed.  Andres 
de  Tapia  and  Jorge  de  Alvarado,  a  brother  of 
Pedro,  were  in  command  of  eighty  soldiers  and 
ten  thousand  allies  and,  after  planting  two 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  359 


heavy  guns  at  the  entrance  of  one  of  the  streets, 
were  also  to  advance  towards  Tlatelolco;  eight 
horsemen  were  left  to  protect  the  gunners. 
Cortes  himself  commanded  one  hundred  foot- 
soldiers,  eight  horsemen,  and  an  infinite  host 
of  auxiliaries;  the  horsemen  were  posted  at  the 
entrance  of  the  street,  with  orders  to  remain 
there  and  on  no  account  to  advance.  Kecall- 
,  ing  the  lesson  of  Alvarado's  repulse,  Cortes  had 
laid  the  strictest  injunctions  on  each  of  the 
commanders  never  to  advance  one  pace  after 
capturing  a  waterway,  until  the  opening  was 
solidly  filled  in  so  as  to  assure  their  retreat. 

The  Spanish  columns  advanced  along  the 
three  roads  and,  although  there  was  the  usual 
resistance,  one  barricade  after  another  was 
taken;  so  rapid  was  the  advance  and  so  slight 
the  opposition  of  the  enemy  that  the  wary  com- 
mander began  to  suspect  some  ruse;  messages 
from  Alderete  reported  that  he  was  rapidly 
nearing  the  market-place,  but  these  communica- 
tions, instead  of  reassuring  Cortes,  only  aug- 
mented his  misgivings  and,  in  answer,  he  always 
sent  back  a  reminder  of  his  orders  to  fill  up 
the  ditches  before  advancing  beyond  them.  He 
was  repeatedly  assured  that  this  w^as  being 
seen  to,  but  as  he  still  seemed  sceptical,  it  was 
suggested  that  if  he  did  not  believe  what  he 
was  told,  he  might  come  and  see  for  himself. 
Acting  on  this  petulant  suggestion,  his  worst 
fears  were  speedily  confirmed  at  the  very  first 


360  Fernando  Cortes 


ditch,  which  was  ten  or  twelve  paces  wide,  and 
two  fathoms  deep.  In  their  eagerness  to  be  the 
first  to  reach  the  market-place,  the  men  had 
hastily  thrown  enough  timber  and  rubbish  into 
the  chasm,  on  which  to  scramble  across  to  the 
opposite  bank,  but  had  neglected  the  order  to 
fill  it  solidly  with  earth.  Convinced  that 
Alderete  had  allowed  himself  to  be  decoyed 
into  some  trap,  Cortes  ordered  his  men  to 
make  all  possible  haste  in  filling  up  the  water- 
course, but  hardly  had  they  begun  their  work, 
when  the  fierce  war-cries  of  the  Aztecs,  in 
which  his  practised  ear  detected  the  note  of 
triumph,  announced  the  success  of  the  sus- 
pected stratagem.  Standing  on  the  opposite 
bank,  Cortes  helplessly  beheld  the  wild  rush  of 
his  men  in  full  retreat  towards  the  yawning 
chasm,  so  closely  pressed  by  thousands  of  the 
exultant  enemy  that  the  compact  mass  of  hu- 
manity seemed  to  be  rolling  onwards  to  sure 
destruction.  In  vain  he  called  and  signed  to 
his  men  to  halt  ;  they  neither  saw  nor  heard, 
nor  could  they  have  withstood  the  mass  of 
struggling  friends  and  foes  that  pressed  them 
to  their  death.  The  watercourse  was  soon 
choked  with  floundering  men ;  some,  over- 
weighted by  their  armour,  were  drowned,  others 
were  killed  by  the  arrows  and  javelins  of  the 
enemy,  while  others  were  seized  alive,  dragged 
into  canoes  and  carried  off  for  sacrifice.  A 
few  managed  to  struggle  across  to  where  the 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  361 


commander  and  his  companions  pulled  them, 
half  dead,  from  the  water. 

Cortes  again  owed  his  escape  from  instant 
death  to  the  determination  which  obsessed  the 
Mexicans  to  take  him  alive  for  the  sacrifice. 
His  rescuer  was  the  same  Cristobal  de  Olea  1 
who  had  once  before  come  to  his  aid  in  a  mo- 
ment of  peril  at  Xochimilco;  with  one  blow  of 
his  sword  he  cut  off  the  arm  of  the  warrior 
who  had  seized  on  the  general,  falling  dead 
himself  the  next  moment.  Bernal  Diaz  says 
that  Olea  slew  four  chiefs  before  he  himself 
fell. 

This  was  the  last  victorious  day  for  the 
Mexicans  and  witnessed  their  culminating  ef- 
fort against  their  foes.  Quauhtemotzin  was 
everywhere  present  amongst  his  troops,  urging 
them  to  a  supreme  struggle  and  sounding  his 
trumpet  of  conch-shell  "  upon  hearing  which 
signal "  Bernal  Diaz  says,  "  it  is  impossible  to 
describe  the  fury  with  which  they  closed  upon 
us."  2  Dominating  the  shouts  of  "  Santiago,"  the 
screams  of  the  wounded,  the  crash  of  arms,  and 
the  fierce  war-cries  of  the  Mexicans,  was  heard 
the  lugubrious  roll  of  the  sacred  tlapanhuehuetl 
of  serpents'  skins,  which  the  priests  beat  with 
inspired  frenzy  before  the  war-god  on  the 
teocalli  of  Tlatelolco. 

1  Both  Herrera  and  Torquemada  give  his  name  as  Fran- 
cisco. 

2  Historia  Verdadera,  cap,  ciii. 


362  Fernando  Cortes 


Seven  horses  were  killed,  seventy  Spaniards 
were  captured  alive,  Cortes  was  badly  wounded 
in  the  leg,  Sandoval  likewise  in  three  places, 
and  both  his  division  and  that  of  Alvarado, 
suffered  serious  reverses.  When  an  account 
came  to  be  taken  of  the  extent  of  the  disaster, 
dismay  filled  the  sinking  hearts  of  the  Span- 
iards, and  the  Indian  allies  began  to  doubt  the 
power  of  the  teules  and  to  ask  themselves 
whether  they  were  not,  after  all,  fighting  on 
the  wrong  side. 

Cortes  threw  the  blame  for  this  catastrophe 
on  Alderete,  who  had  disobeyed  his  order  never 
to  advance  without  first  securing  his  retreat. 
Alderete  denied  that  he  had  ever  had  such  an 
order,  and  declared  that  it  was  Cortes  who  had 
urged  the  troops  forwTard.  Recriminations  and 
censures  were  thus  exchanged,  for  nobody  would 
accept  responsibility  for  such  a  calamity;  it 
appears  certain  that  Cortes  had  not  been  in 
favour  of  the  assault,  but  had  allowed  his  better 
judgment  to  be  overruled  by  his  companions, 
wiio  were  weary  of  the  daily  fighting  and 
thought  they  could  storm  the  Tlatelolco  market- 
place and  so  end  the  siege. 

While  gloom  reigned  in  the  Spanish  camp, 
there  was  exultation  amongst  the  Mexicans, 
whose  waning  hopes  of  victory  were  revived  by 
their  success.  That  night,  the  sanguinary  rites 
of  Huitzilopochtli  were  celebrated  with  all  the 
pomp  of  the  Aztec  ritual,  and  amidst  the  files 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  363 


of  priests  bearing  smoking  censers,  that 
mounted  the  terraces  of  the  pyramid,  the 
glare  of  torches  and  the  sacred  fires  revealed 
to  the  horrified  Spaniards  the  white,  naked 
bodies  of  their  comrades  led,  flower-crowned, 
to  the  stone  of  sacrifice.  The  priests  pro- 
claimed that  the  war-god  was  appeased  by  the 
oblation  of  so  many  Spanish  victims,  and  that 
within  eight  days  he  would  give  his  faithful 
a  complete  victory  over  the  impious  invaders. 
This  oracle  was  published  amongst  the  allies 
and  shook  their  wavering  faith  in  the  Span- 
iards; they  saw  that  the  city  stubbornly  held 
out;  they  perceived  that  the  strangers  were 
neither  invincible  nor  immortal,  and,  as  their 
ancient,  superstitious  fear  of  their  gods  re- 
asserted itself,  tens  of  thousands  quietly  de- 
tached themselves  from  the  Spanish  camp  and 
marched  off  homewards.  Cortes  used  every  ef- 
fort to  hold  them  and  urged  that  they  should 
at  least  wait  eight  days  and  see  whether  the 
prophecy  was  fulfilled,  before  deciding  against 
him.  The  Tlascalan  general,  Chichimecatecle,1 
and  Prince  Ixtlilxochitl  of  Texcoco  remained 
steadfast  to  their  sworn  allegiance.  The  latter 
was  naturally  an  object  of  peculiar  hatred  to 
the  Mexicans,  who  reviled  him  and  heaped  im- 
precations on  him  as  a  renegade  from  his  race 
and  a  traitor  to  his  country.  If  he  felt  these 
taunts,  he  did  not  betray  his  feelings  but,  day 
1  Also  spelled  Chichimecatecuhtli. 


364  Fernando  Cortes 


after  day,  joined  in  the  scenes  of  carnage, 
facing  both  danger  and  obloquy  unmoved.  For 
five  days  there  was  some  respite,  the  Spaniards 
nursing  their  wounds  and  preparing  for  a  re- 
sumption of  hostilities,  while  the  Mexicans  were 
engaged  in  making  overtures  to  win  back  their 
faithless  subjects  and  allies. 

The  situation  of  the  Spaniards  was  well-nigh 
desperate,  but  that  of  the  Mexicans  was  hardly 
better,  for  famine  stalked  their  streets,  claim- 
ing as  many  victims  as  the  Spanish  cannon, 
and  terribly  weakening  the  defenders  of  the 
city.  The  besiegers  tenaciously  held  their  posi- 
tions on  the  causeways  and,  aided  by  the  brig- 
antines  on  the  lakes  were  unceasingly  vigilant 
in  maintaining  the  blockade. 

Throughout  the  siege  there  were  a  few  Span- 
ish women, — some  of  them  described  as  "  wives  " 
of  the  soldiers, — in  camp,  who  displayed  scarcely 
less  courage  than  the  men,  for  not  only  did 
they  occupy  themselves  in  the  nursing,  which 
is  women's  natural  function  in  war-time,  but 
they  even  mounted  guard  to  relieve  the  weary 
soldiers  who  needed  rest,  and  instances  are 
given  of  their  joining  in  the  actual  fighting. 
Cortes  had  intended  leaving  all  these  women  at 
Tlascala,  but  his  proposed  order  to  that  effect 
aroused  such  opposition,  especially  among  the 
women  themselves,  who  declared  that  Castilian 
wives,  rather  than  abandon  their  husbands  in 
danger,  would  die  with  them,  that  it  was  never 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  365 


issued.  Little  has  been  said  of  the  courage  and 
devotion  of  these  obscure  heroines,  but  Herrera 
has  recorded  the  names  of  five,  Beatriz  de 
Palacios,  Maria  de  Estrada,  Juana  Martin, 
Isabel  Kodriguez,  and  Beatriz  Bermudez,  as 
meriting  honourable  mention  in  the  annals  of 
the  conquest. 

The  eight  days  appointed  by  the  priests  for 
the  destruction  of  the  besiegers  expired,  and 
the  prophecy  remained  unfulfilled,  seeing 
which  the  vacillating  allies  returned  once  more 
to  the  Spanish  camp,  where  the  politic  general 
received  them  with  his  customary  urbanity 
and,  after  reproaching  them  for  their  faithless 
desertion  in  a  panic  of  foolish  superstition,  de- 
clared that  he  pardoned  their  fault  and  accepted 
them  again  as  vassals  of  Spain  and  his  allies. 

The  timely  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz  of  a  Spanish 
ship,  belonging  to  Ponce  de  Leon,  carrying  a 
cargo  of  powder  and  ammunition  which  the 
captain  of  the  port  bought  and  forwarded  to 
the  besiegers,  infused  new  courage  into  them. 
The  actual  situation  could  not  be  prolonged 
and  Cortes  continued  his  plan  of  systematic  de- 
struction so  diligently  that  not  a  building  re- 
mained standing  in  the  quarters  of  the  city 
held  by  the  Spaniards,  while  the  canals  became 
so  solidly  filled  in  with  the  masses  of  stone  and 
other  materials  from  the  demolished  houses, 
that  they  were  never  again  reopened.  While 
this  work  was  going  forward,  the  Mexicans  still 


366  Fernando  Cortes 


found  spirit  to  taunt  the  labouring  allies,  their 
former  vassals,  saying :  "  Go  ahead  with  your 
work  of  destruction;  no  matter  how  this  ends 
you  will  have  to  rebuild  the  city,  for  if  we  con- 
quer, you  will  do  it  for  us,  and  if  Malintzin  is 
victorious,  you  will  be  forced  to  do  it  for  him." 
The  logic  of  this  jibe  struck  Cortes  at  the 
time,  and  he  reported  it  to  the  Emperor,  adding, 
"  and  it  has  pleased  God  that  the  latter  should 
happen,  for  it  is  indeed  they  [the  allies]  who 
are  rebuilding  the  city." 

Even  after  the  market-place  was  stormed  and 
occupied  by  the  Spaniards,  and  the  temple  with 
its  idols  had  been  destroyed,  the  daily  offers 
of  peace  were  rejected  by  Quauhtemotzin,  and 
there  still  remained  about  one  eighth  part  of 
the  city  into  which  the  remnant  of  its  inhabi- 
tants was  crowded. 

At  this  time  a  soldier  named  Sotelo,  a  na- 
tive of  Seville,  who  claimed  to  have  seen  much 
service  in  Italy  and  to  know  all  about  the  con- 
struction of  engines  of  warfare,  proposed  to 
Cortes  to  make  a  catapult,  for  hurling  huge 
stones  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy.  Bernal 
Diaz  says  that  this  man  was  eternally  talking 
about  the  wonderful  military  machines  he  could 
build,  with  which  he  promised  to  destroy  in 
two  days  the  remaining  quarter  of  the  city 
where  Quauhtemotzin  held  out.  The  com- 
mander consented  to  the  trial,  and  stone,  lime, 
timber,  cables,  and  all  the  necessary  materials 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  367 

were  furnished,  together  with  carpenters  and 
masons,  to  carry  out  Sotelo's  instructions. 
The  machine  was  erected  on  the  platform  of 
masonry  known  as  the  mwmuztli,  a  sort  of 
theatre  that  stood  in  the  square,  and  the  pro- 
cess of  its  construction  was  watched  with 
exultant  expectation  by  the  Indian  allies,  who 
foresaw  the  wholesale  destruction  of  their 
enemies  by  means  of  the  mysterious  machine. 
They  indulged  in  jubilant  prophecies  and  called 
on  the  Mexicans  to  observe  the  growth  of  the 
engine  destined  to  accomplish  their  overthrow. 
The  Mexicans  were  equally  impressed  by  the 
strange  monster  and  watched  its  construction 
with  the  feelings  of  one  in  the  condemned  cell, 
who  hears  the  workman  building  the  scaffold 
on  which  he  is  to  perish  at  dawn.  The  day  of 
the  trial  (August  6th)  arrived  and  a  huge  stone 
was  fired,  which,  instead  of  flying  over  to  the 
Indian  quarter  where  it  was  aimed,  shot 
straight  up  into  the  air  and  fell  back  into  ex- 
actly the  place  from  whence  it  had  departed. 
Cortes  was  furious  with  Sotelo  and  ashamed 
of  the  failure  in  the  presence  of  the  gazing 
multitude;  the  luckless  inventor  was  in  dis- 
grace, and  the  catapult  remained  one  of  the 
standing  jokes  in  the  army.  Infusing  some 
gaiety  into  the  company  at  such  a  dismal  mo- 
ment, this  invention  may  be  said  to  have  served 
some  good  purpose,  even  though  not  exactly  the 
one  expected  of  it. 


368  Fernando  Cortes 


In  the  last  desperate  days,  a  final  appeal  was 
made  by  Quauktemotzin  to  the  national  gods. 
Choosing  one  of  his  most  valiant  soldiers,  a 
youth  called  Tlapaltecatlopuchtzin,1  from  the 
quarter  of  Coatlan,  he  caused  him  to  be  vested 
with  the  armour  of  his  dead  father,  the  Em- 
peror Ahuitzotl,  giving  him  also  the  bow  and 
arrows  which  adorned  the  statue  of  the  god  of 
war  and  were  regarded  as  the  most  sacred  em- 
blems preserved  in  the  temple.  Thus  accoutred, 
the  young  warrior  with  the  formidable  name 
went  forth,  accompanied  by  a  chief  called  Cihua- 
coatlucotzin  who  acted  as  his  herald,  and  who 
exhorted  all  the  people  in  the  name  of  the  god 
from  whom  they  now,  in  their  extremity,  de- 
manded a  sign.  The  effort  was  vain  and  the 
god  was  silent ;  this  was  on  the  tenth  of  August. 
On  the  night  of  the  eleventh,  there  burst  over 
the  city  a  terrific  storm,  in  the  midst  of  which 
the  affrighted  Mexicans  beheld  a  whirlwind  of 
blood-red  fire,  throwing  out  sparks  and  flashes 
of  light,  which  seemed  to  start  from  the  direc- 
tion of  Tepeaca,  and,  passing  over  the  small 
quarter  of  Tenochtitlan  still  left  to  them,  buried 
itself  in  the  black  waters  of  the  lake.  This 
ominous  apparition,  which  was  probably  a 
meteor,  was  interpreted  by  the  Aztecs  as  a 
portent,  symbolising  the  downfall  of  the  em- 
pire and  the  extinction  of  their  power. 

1  The  bearer  of  such  a  formidable  name  merits  imperish- 
able renown  in  the  annals  of  the  conquest. 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  369 


The  description  penned  by  Cortes  of  the 
final  assault,  the  fall  of  the  last  entrenchment 
and  the  capture  of  Quauhtemotzin,  is  not  em- 
bellished by  rhetoric  but  his  terse  language 
gave  Charles  V.  a  faithful  picture  of  that 
dreadful  massacre.  Neither  does  Bernal  Diaz 
enlarge  upon  details  and,  indeed,  no  language 
could  do  justice  to  the  horror  of  the  fall  of 
the  Aztec  city,  amidst  the  crash  of  battle,  the 
smoke  and  flame  of  burning  houses,  the  wails 
of  the  vanquished,  and  the  shouts  of  the  victors. 
The  living  and  the  dead  choked  the  canals,  the 
wounded  and  the  dying  were  trampled  together 
with  putrefying  corpses,  in  the  sea  of  bloody 
mire  into  which  the  streets  had  been  converted; 
the  stifling  August  air  reeked  with  the  mingled 
smell  of  fresh  carnage  and  decaying  bodies, 
while  amidst  these  human  shambles  the  emaci- 
ated forms  of  women  and  children,  destitute 
of  any  refuge,  tottered  pitifully  under  the 
merciless  weapons  of  the  savage  allies,  who 
gave  no  quarter  but  hunted  all  alike  through 
this  hell  of  despair,  like  demons  set  upon  the 
ghosts  of  the  eternally  damned. 

The  courage  of  the  defenders  never  flagged; 
under  the  leadership  of  their  young  sovereign, 
who  kept  his  serenity  throughout  and  exercised 
his  best  generalship,  these  naked  barbarians, 
weakened  by  famine  and  confronted  by  inevi- 
table defeat,  fought  against  a  steel-clad  foe, 
armed  with  guns,  both  on  land  and  on  their 


3/o  Fernando  Cortes 


ships,  which  mowed  down  a  very  harvest  of 
death  at  every  discharge.  Never  did  they  so 
much  as  name  surrender,  thus  verifying  liter- 
ally the  words  with  which  Quauhtemotzin  an- 
swered the  Spanish  overtures  for  peace,  that 
they  would  all  perish  to  the  last  man  in  the 
city,  and  he  would  die  fighting. 

Cortes  daily  renewed  his  offers  of  honourable 
terms  for  the  Emperor  and  his  people,  if  the 
city  would  surrender;  day  after  day,  with  in- 
finite patience,  he  made  appointments  which 
Quauhtemotzin  never  kept;  time  after  time  he 
wasted  hours  in  waiting  for  better  counsels  to 
prevail,  but  nothing  he  could  say  or  do  sufficed 
to  allay  the  distrust  of  Quauhtemotzin,  or  to 
bring  the  Mexicans  to  terms.  Their  choice  was 
made;  they  had  had  enough  of  the  Spaniards, 
whose  semi-divine  character  was  an  exploded 
myth  and  whose  presence  in  the  land  was  felt 
to  be  incompatible  with  the  Aztec  sovereignty. 
Cortes  protests  throughout  the  greatest  reluc- 
tance to  destroy  the  city  and  declares  repeatedly 
that  the  necessity  of  so  doing  filled  him  with 
inexpressible  grief.  The  fate  known  to  be  in 
store  for  every  Spaniard  taken  alive  and  the 
sight  of  the  hideous  rites  of  sacrifice,  performed 
under  the  very  eyes  of  the  soldiers,  helpless  to 
intervene,  followed  by  the  cannibal  feasts,  in 
which  the  mangled  members  of  their  comrades 
furnished  the  banquet,  were  certainly  sufficient 
to  arouse  the  Spaniards  to  a  very  frenzy  against 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  371 


such  inhuman  foes,  and  yet,  there  is  nowhere 
found  any  hint  that  the  spirit  of  vengeance 
prompted  reprisals  on  the  prisoners  who  fell 
into  their  hands.  Such  remains  of  the  Spanish 
victims  as  could  be  found  were  afterwards  col- 
lected and  reverently  buried,  a  chapel  dedicated 
to  the  Martyrs  being  erected  over  the  spot, 
which  was  afterwards  replaced  by  the  Church  of 
San  Hipolito.1 

Cortes  thus  describes  the  capture  of  Quauhte- 
motzin  and  the  end  of  the  siege: 

It  pleased  God  that  the  captain  of  a  brigantine, 
called  Garci  Holguin,  overtook  a  canoe  in  which 
there  were  some  distinguished  people,  and  as  he 
had  two  or  three  crossbowmen  in  the  prow  of  the 
brigantine  and  was  crossing  in  front  of  the  canoe, 
they  signalled  to  him  not  to  shoot,  because  their 
sovereign  was  there.  The  canoe  was  quickly  cap- 
tured and  he  *took  Quatamucin  and  the  Lord  of 
Tacuba  and  the  other  chiefs  who  were  with  him; 
and  the  said  captain,  Garci  Holguin,  immediately 
brought  the  said  sovereign  of  the  city  and  the  other 
chief  prisoners  to  the  terrace  where  I  was,  which 
was  near  the  lake.  When  I  invited  them  to  sit 
down,  not  wishing  to  show  any  rigour,  he  ap- 
proached me  and  said  to  me  in  his  language  that 
he  had  done  all  that  on  his  part  he  was  bound  to 
do,  to  defend  himself  and  his  people,  until  he  was 
reduced  to  that  state,  and  that  I  now  might  do 
with  him  as  I  chose;  and  placing  his  hand  on  a 
dagger  which  I  wore,  he  bade  me  stab  him  with  it 

1  Orozco  y  Berra,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  viii. 


372  Fernando  Cortes 


and  kill  him.  I  encouraged  him,  and  told  him  not 
to  be  afraid;  and  this  lord  having  been  made 
prisoner,  the  war  immediately  ceased,  which  God 
Our  Lord  was  pleased  to  bring  to  its  end  on  this 
day,  the  Feast  of  San  Hipolito,  which  was  the  13th 
of  August  in  the  year  1521.  So  that  from  the  day 
when  we  laid  the  siege  to  the  city,  which  was  the 
30th  of  May  1  of  the  said  year,  until  it  was  taken, 
seventy  five  days  passed,  in  which  Your  Majesty 
may  perceive  the  hardships,  dangers,  and  cruelties, 
which  these,  your  vassals,  suffered,  and  in  which 
they  so  exposed  themselves  that  their  deeds  will 
bear  testimony  of  them.  In  all  these  seventy-five 
days  of  the  siege,  none  passed  without  more  or  less 
fighting.2 

Quauhtemotzin,  seeing  that  escape  was  hope- 
less, stood  up  in  the  canoe  saying :  "  I  am  the 
King  of  Mexico  and  of  this  country,  take  me 
to  Malintzin.  I  only  ask  that  .my  wife  and 
children  and  the  women  be  spared."  Some 
twenty  persons  were  with  him,  all  of  whom 
Holguin  brought  back  to  the  city.  While  the 
brigantine  carrying  the  royal  captive  and  his 
fellow-prisoners  was  returning  across  the  lake, 
Sandoval  came  on  board  and  demanded  that 
Quauhtemotzin  be  delivered  to  him,  as  he  was 
commander  of  that  division  of  the  fleet,  but  Hol- 
guin claimed  the  honour  of  the  capture  and 

1  The  first  active  operations  against  the  city  really  be- 
gan with  the  destruction  of  the  aqueduct,  a  few  days 
earlier. 

2  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn  ii.,  p.  127. 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  373 


refused  to  yield  to  his  superior.  The  dispute 
that  ensued,  delayed  matters,  but  Cortes,  who 
was  informed  of  the  dissension,  sent  Luis  Marin 
and  Francisco  Lugo  with  peremptory  orders  to 
cease  wrangling  and  bring  the  prisoners  to  him. 

Bernal  Diaz  relates  that  the  commander  after- 
wards called  the  two  claimants  and  cited  to 
them,  by  way  of  example,  the  incident  from 
Roman  history  of  the  capture  of  Jugurtha,  and 
the  dispute  between  Marius  and  Scylla  as  to 
the  honour  of  that  feat,  productive  of  civil  wars 
which  devastated  the  state.  He  calmed  them 
with  the  assurance  that  the  circumstance  should 
be  fully  laid  before  the  Emperor,  who  would 
decide  which  of  the  two  should  have  the  action 
emblazoned  in  his  arms.  Two  years  later  the 
imperial  decision  was  given  and  ignored  both 
the  contestants,  granting  instead  to  Cortes  the 
device  of  seven  captive  kings  linked  with  a 
chain  and  representing  Montezuma,  Quauhte- 
motzin,  and  the  rulers  of  Texcoco,  Tlacopan, 
Iztapalapan,  Cuyohuacan,  and  Matolzingo. 

There  is  little  to  add  to  the  passage  cited 
from  Cortes  describing  what  passed  on  that 
historic  occasion,  except  that  he  gave  orders 
that  the  Princess  Tecuichpo,  the  youngest 
daughter  of  Montezuma  and  recently  married 
to  her  cousin  Quauhtemotzin,  should  receive 
every  consideration.  Humboldt,  commenting  on 
Quauhtemotzin's  choice  of  instant  death,  com- 
mends the  unfortunate  young  sovereign's  con- 


374  Fernando  Cortes 


duct  in  the  following  terms:  "Ce  trait  est 
digne  du  plus  beau  temps  de  la  Grece  et  de 
Rome.  Sous  toutes  les  zones,  quelle  que  soit 
la  couleur  des  liommes,  le  langage  des  dmes 
fortes  est  le  meme  lorsqu'elles  luttent  contre  le 
malheur."  1  The  captive  monarch  was  not  de- 
ceived by  the  suave  manner  and  honied  words 
of  his  captor,  and  his  forebodings  were  realised 
when,  a  few  days  later,  upon  his  protesting 
that  there  was  no  treasure  left  in  the  city, 
Cortes  consented  to  the  use  of  torture  to  force 
him  to  speak.  Bernal  Diaz  seeks  to  excuse  his 
commander's  part  in  this  unworthy  proceeding. 
It  may  be  said,  in  extenuation,  that  he  yielded 
to  the  angry  clamours  of  his  disappointed 
soldiers,  and  sought  to  disprove  the  insinuation 
that  he  had  arranged  with  Quauhtemotzin  to 
conceal  the  treasure  so  as  later  to  appropriate 
it  for  himself.  The  custodian  of  the  royal 
fifth,  Alderete,  seems  to  have  insisted  on  the 
use  of  torture.  The  King  bore  the  pain  un- 
flinchingly and  rebuked  the  groans  of  his 
fellow-sufferer,  saying :  "  Do  you  think  I  am 
taking  my  pleasure  in  my  bath? "  His  feet 
were  almost  burned  off,  and  he  remained  a 
cripple  until  his  death.  The  anniversary  of  his 
capture  and  the  fall  of  the  city  were  celebrated 
as  a  public  holiday  all  during  the  period  of 
Spanish  rule  in  Mexico,  but  the  Republic  has 
abolished  this  observance. 
1  Essai  Politique,  p.  192,  4to  ed. 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  375 


The  eleventh  and  last  of  the  Aztec  sovereigns 
was  a  young  man  of  great  personal  bravery  and 
energy,  in  all  things  the  opposite  of  his  supersti- 
tious uncle,  Mountezuma.  He  worked  indefatig- 
ably  to  win  allies,  organise  an  effective  defence, 
and  save  the  tottering  kingdom  and  city;  he 
galvanised  the  timid  into  something  like  courage, 
he  confirmed  the  waverers,  and  encouraged  the 
patriots;  large  stores  of  arms  and  provisions 
were  laid  in,  the  useless,  aged  men  and  women 
and  the  children,  were  sent  off  to  safe  places  in 
the  mountains,  while  the  city  was  filled  with  war- 
riors. The  kings  of  Texcoco  and  Tlacopan  (Ta- 
cuba)  joined  in  these  plans,  co-operating  with 
their  fellow-sovereign.  Had  like  zeal  and  har- 
mony existed  a  year  earlier,  Cortes  and  his  men 
would  never  have  reached  the  capital,  save  as  vic- 
tims to  be  offered  to  Huitzilopochtli.  Quauhte- 
motzin  arrived  too  late.  Nothing  could  ward 
off  the  impending  disaster.  The  powerful  states 
of  Tlascala,  Cholula,  and  others,  had  openly  gone 
over  to  the  Spaniards,  blind  to  the  inevitable 
destruction  they  were  preparing  for  themselves; 
the  allies  of  Mexico  were  doubtful  and  faint- 
hearted,— some  of  them  merely  neutrals,  await- 
ing the  issue,  to  declare  for  the  victor.  Never 
did  prince  die  for  duty's  sake,  choosing  death 
with  open  eyes,  and  making  a  last  stand  for 
a  forlorn  cause,  more  nobly  than  did  the  heroic 
Quauhtemotzin. 

Riotous  celebrations  of  the  city's  fall  natu- 


376  Fernando  Cortes 


rally  followed,  the  opportune  arrival  of  some 
casks  of  wine  and  pork  from  Cuba  furnishing 
the  substance  for  a  banquet,  which  was  followed 
by  dancing.  Bernal  Diaz  remarks  that  the 
"  plant  of  Noah  was  the  cause  of  many  fool- 
eries and  worse/'  and  that  he  refrains  from 
mentioning  the  names  of  those  who  disgraced 
themselves  by  overindulgence  and  unseemly 
antics.  Fray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo  was  much 
scandalised  at  this  profane  celebration  and 
quickly  asserted  his  spiritual  authority  over 
the  men.  The  next  morning  a  solemn  mass  of 
thanksgiving  was  said,  and  the  good  friar  de- 
livered a  sermon  on  the  moral  and  religious 
duties  of  the  conquerors.  Cortes  and  others 
received  the  sacraments,  and  these  becoming  rites 
ended  decorously  with  a  procession,  in  which 
the  crucifix  and  an  image  of  the  Blessed  Vir- 
gin, accompanied  by  the  military  standards, 
were  carried  to  the  sound  of  drums,  alternating 
with  chanted  litanies. 

These  vinous  and  pious  festivities  over,  the 
first  great  disappointment  of  the  conquest  had 
to  be  faced.  The  fabulous  treasure  was  no- 
where to  be  found,  nor  did  tortures  succeed  in 
producing  it.  The  place  of  its  alleged  burial 
in  the  lake,  indicated  by  Quauhtemotzin,  was 
searched  by  divers  who,  after  many  efforts, 
recovered  only  about  ninety  crowns'  worth  of 
gold.1    Bernal  Diaz  states  hi$  opinion  that, 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  clvii. 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  377 

though  it  was  rumoured  that  vast  treasures 
had  been  thrown  into  the  lake  four  days  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  siege,  the  amount  had 
doubtless  already  been  greatly  diminished  be- 
fore it  came  into  Quauhtemotzin's  hands,  and 
moreover,  that  the  value  of  it  had  from  the 
first,  seemed  double  what  it  really  was  found 
to  be  when  it  came  to  be  accurately  estimated. 
The  discontent  amongst  the  soldiery  was  great 
and  expressed  itself  in  several  ways,  one  of 
which,  more  original  than  the  others,  was  the 
writing  of  pasquinades  on  the  white  walls  of  the 
officers'  quarters  at  Cuyohuacan,  some  of  which 
were  witty,  some  insolent,  and  others  not  fit 
for  print.  Cortes  even  deigned  to  reply  to 
some  of  them  in  the  same  vein,  and  on  the  same 
wall,  for  he  rather  prided  himself  on  his  ready 
wit  and  skill  at  verse  making,  but  Fray  Bar- 
tolome,  perceiving  that  the  limits  of  propriety 
were  being  overstepped,  advised  him  to  stop 
the  practice,  which  he  did  by  publishing  severe 
punishments  for  any  further  writing  on  the 
walls. 

Positive  data,  on  which  to  base  the  computa- 
tion of  the  numbers  engaged  during  the  siege  and 
the  lives  lost  are  wanting.  Cortes  estimates  that 
sixty-seven  thousand  Mexicans  fell  in  the  last 
three  assaults  on  the  city  and  that  fifty  thou- 
sand died  of  starvation  and  disease,  without 
taking  any  account  of  all  those  who  perished 
during  the  earlier  days  of  the  siege.  Bernal 


378  Fernando  Cortes 


Diaz  gives  no  figures,  but  both  lie  and  the 
historian  Oviedo  state  their  conviction  that 
not  more  lives  were  lost  at  the  siege  of  Jerusa- 
lem than  in  Mexico.  The  Jewish  historian, 
Josephus,  computes  the  losses  of  his  people 
at  1,100,000  souls!  The  comparison  with  these 
appalling  figures  is  so  obviously  exaggerated 
that  these  two  authorities  may  safely  be  dis- 
regarded. Writing  from  the  Mexican  stand- 
point, Ixtlilxochitl  puts  the  number  of  the  dead 
from  all  causes  at  240,000  persons,  which  greatly 
exceeds  the  estimate  of  Cortes.  The  same  dis- 
crepancy appears  in  the  counting  of  the  forces 
which  laid  down  their  arms  when  Quauhte- 
motzin  was  captured.  Oviedo  leads  again  with 
70,000,  Ixtlilxochitl  follows  with  60,000,  and 
Herrera,  who  agrees  with  Torquemada,  puts 
the  number  at  30,000  fighting  men.1  Whatever 
the  exact  number  may  have  been,  the  Mexican 
empire  was  destroyed,  its  capital  annihilated, 
and  a  vast  number  of  people  butchered  amidst 
scenes  of  unexcelled  ferocity  and  horror.  The 
annals  of  no  great  siege  record  deeds  of  greater 
bravery,  and  had  the  justice  of  their  cause 
equalled  the  heroism  of  their  defence,  the  down- 
fall of  the  Aztecs  would  be  forever  sung  in  song 
and  story  wherever  brave  deeds  are  remembered. 
As  has  been  elsewhere  explained,  the  laurels 

1  Herrera,  Hist,  Gen.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  viL;  Torquemada, 
Monarchia  Ind.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  ci.;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de 
los  Espanoles,  p.  49;  Oviedo,  lib.  xxxiii. 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  379 


of  the  conquest  are  not  exclusively  for  Spanish 
brows.  The  superlative  generalship  and  per- 
sonal qualities  of  Cortes,  the  superior  arms  and 
knowledge  of  military  tactics  possessed  by  the 
Spaniards,  and  their  indomitable  courage,  con- 
stituted their  contributions  to  the  successful 
issue  of  the  long  campaign.  In  the  ready 
hatred  of  its  neighbours  and  the  quick  deser- 
tion of  its  dependencies  and  allies,  is  read  the 
proof  of  the  inherent  weakness  of  the  Aztec 
empire.  All  that  these  peoples  possessed, — 
their  knowledge  of  the  country,  their  labour, 
their  treasure,  their  fighting-men,  and  their 
thirst  for  vengeance, — were  placed  at  the  dis- 
position of  Cortes,  and  thus  the  conquest  was 
accomplished.  Even  admitting  the  most  and 
the  worst  that  has  been  said  of  his  methods 
in  carrying  on  this  war  of  invasion,  the  result 
commands  our  applause  in  the  name  of  hu- 
manity. 

The  Mexican  civilisation,  even  granting  that 
it  had  reached  the  high  perfection  claimed  for 
it  by  some  writers,  was  chaotic,  stationery,  and 
barren;  it  rested  upon  despotic  power,  and  its 
many  crimes  were  expiated  in  the  blood  of  their 
perpetrators.  Whatever  culture  and  refinement 
of  living  there  were,  centred  in  the  capital  and 
its  immediate  neighbourhood,  the  outlying  pro- 
vinces being  peopled  by  aboriginal,  not  to  say 
savage  tribes,  which  justified  their  existence  by 
the  tribute  of  men  and  money  they  paid,  with- 


380  Fernando  Cortes 


out  being  sharers  in  the  learning  and  luxury 
their  labours  sustained.  Humanum  panels  vivat 
genus.1 

The  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  midst  of 
this  chaos  of  tyranny  and  disloyalty,  shattered 
the  loosely  joined  organisation,  whose  inferior 
character  foredoomed  it  to  destruction  when 
brought  into  contact  with  a  higher  and  more 
progressive  type  of  civilisation.  The  substitu- 
tion of  the  Christian  religion  for  the  horrors 
of  human  sacrifices  and  the  revolting  cannibal 
feasts  is,  of  itself,  a  sufficient  justification  for 
the  overthrow  of  an  empire  whose  bloody  and 
degrading  rites  were  of  the  very  essence  of  its 
religious  system.  Upon  the  ruins  of  the  old 
order,  a  new  civilisation  has  been  founded  from 
which  has  developed  a  nation,  still  in  the  pro- 
cess of  formation,  in  which  Spanish  and  Indian 
blood  are  mingled,  and  which  is  advancing  on 
the  road  of  human  progress  to  what  destiny  we 
know  not,  but  in  which  the  humblest  Indian  has 
his  place,  living  in  a  securer  present,  and  mov- 
ing towards  a  higher  future,  than  any  his 
own  race  could  have  shaped  for  him.  Many  of 
the  best  men  in  modern  Mexico  trace,  with 
pride,  their  descent  from  Aztec  kings  and  nobles. 
A  uniform  and  rich  language  with  its  system 
of  phonetic  writing,  the  introduction  of  beasts 
of  burden,  the  use  of  iron  and  leather,  improved 
systems  of  mining,  and  agriculture  which  have 

1 "  The  human  race  exists  for  the  few." 


The  Fall  of  the  Aztec  Empire  381 


brought  under  civilisation  vast  tracts  of  land, 
increasing  the  variety  and  quality  of  the  crops, 
— these  and  countless  other  resources,  unknown 
and  unknownable  to  the  Aztecs,  have  revolution- 
ised the  present  conditions  of  their  existence 
beyond  anything  their  ancestors  could  have 
dreamed. 

Even  at  the  price  it  cost,  the  conquest  must 
be  approved,  though  it  obliterated  an  interest- 
ing and  wonderful  civilisation  so  entirely,  that 
the  few  surviving  relics  serve  but  to  stimulate 
enquiries,  to  which  few  answers  are  forthcoming. 

With  the  destruction  of  the  archives  of  Tex- 
coco,  the  sponge  was  passed  over  the  tablets  of 
Aztec  history;  unwise  laws  destroyed  the  native 
arts  and  crafts,  whose  products  had  astonished 
the  foremost  artisans  of  Europe,  while  the  secrets 
of  the  lapidaries,  of  the  gold-  and  silversmiths, 
and  of  the  deft  workers  in  feathers,  and  of 
other  unique  crafts,  perished  for  ever,  leaving 
the  civilisation  of  Anahuac  a  mystery  for  all 
time. 


25 


CHAPTER  XVI 


RECONSTRUCTION 


Position  of  Cortes — The  Great  Strait — Rebuilding  Mexico 
— Cristobal  de  Tapia,  Francisco  de  Garay  and  San- 
doval in  Panuco — The  Silver  Cannon — Rebellion  of 
Olid—Expedition  to  Yucatan — Death  of  Quauhte- 
motzin — Return  to  Mexico. 


WO  years  and  three  months  had  elapsed 


1  since  the  departure  of  the  two  procura- 
tors, Puertocarrero  and  Monte  jo  bearing  the 
letters  from  Vera  Cruz,  to  Charles  V.,  during 
which  lapse  of  time  no  direct  word  or  sign  of 
recognition  had  reached  Cortes  from  Spain. 
He  found  himself  absolute  master  of  a  vast  em- 
pire that  he  had  subdued  without  assistance 
from  his  sovereign,  who  continued  to  ignore 
the  existence  of  both  the  conqueror  and  his  con- 
quest. The  position  was  a  unique  one,  nor  does 
history  furnish  another  parallel  to  it. 

In  his  letter  from  Segura  della  Frontera,  he 
had  recounted  all  that  had  happened  to  him 
and  his  men  during  their  first  visit  to  the  Aztec 
capital  and  had  declared  his  firm  intention  of 
returning  thither  to  recapture  the  city  and  re- 
duce the  entire  empire  to  His  Majesty's  obe- 
dience. This  magnificent  announcement  fell  on 
uncomprehending  ears  and  had  provoked  no 
response.    The  authority  of  Cortes  still  had,  for 


Reconstruction 


383 


its  sole  basis,  his  election  as  chief-justice  and 
captain-general  of  the  colony,  by  the  munici- 
pality of  Vera  Cruz  which  he  himself  had 
created.  In  reality,  it  rested  on  the  control  he 
exercised  over  his  men  and  on  their  voluntary 
obedience  to  his  will. 

The  ruins  of  the  capital  being  unhabitable 
because  of  the  numbers  of  unburied  dead,  the 
impossibility  of  obtaining  provisions,  fresh  water, 
and  other  necessaries,  Cortes  had  established  his 
headquarters  at  Coyohuacan,  from  whence  he 
began  the  work  of  rebuilding  the  city.  His  con- 
duct in  consenting  to  the  torture  of  Quauhte- 
motzin  at  this  time,  has  been  compared  with 
that  of  the  Emperor  Otho,  as  described  by 
Tacitus,  when  he  permitted  the  execution  of 
Galba's  ministers  and  friends.  Othoni  non- 
dum  auctoritas  inerat  ad  prohibendum  scelus; 
jubere  jam  poterat.1  Though  his  reluctance 
to  assent  to  this  barbarous  proceeding  was 
doubtless  sincere,  and  he  even  interfered  to  cut 
short  his  captive's  sufferings,  it  is  not  likely 
that  the  use  of  torture  to  extract  a  confession 
from  an  unwilling  witness  revolted  Cortes.  Not 
merely  at  that  time,  but  for  two  centuries  or 
more  afterwards,  the  use  of  torture  was  ap- 
proved, not  only  as  a  punishment,  but  to  force 
confession  of  unprovable  guilt  or  to  obtain 

1 "  Otho  had  sufficient  authority  to  order  the  crime  but 
not  enough  to  prevent  it."  The  historical  comparison  is 
made  by  Senor  Alaman  in  the  third  of  his  Disertaciones. 


384  Fernando  Cortes 


evidence  or  information  against  suspected  per- 
sons. 

Two  other  procurators  were  now  chosen  to 
carry  the  royal  fifth  of  the  booty  to  Spain,  and 
again  Cortes  invited  his  followers  to  renounce 
their  shares  in  the  curious  objects  of  gold,  silver, 
and  feather-work,  of  which  the  workmanship 
was  so  remarkable  that  it  eclipsed  the  value 
of  the  precious  metal.  Divided  amongst  so 
many,  no  one  man  would  receive  anything  of 
consequence,  while  offered  intact  to  the  Em- 
peror these  treasures  would  constitute  a  gift 
worthy  of  royalty.  The  renunciation  was 
easily  made ;  the  taste  of  the  men  was  for  crude 
metal. 

This  treasure  never  reached  its  destination. 
Alonso  de  Avila  and  Antonio  de  Quinones,  the 
two  officers  charged  to  carry  the  gifts  and  the 
letters  to  the  Emperor,  first  stopped  at  the 
Island  of  Santa  Maria,  one  of  the  Azores,  where 
Quinones  was  killed  in  a  brawl ;  Avila  was  cap- 
tured off  Cape  St.  Vincent  by  a  French  corsair, 
Florin,  who,  after  robbing  the  ship  of  its 
precious  freight,  allowed  it  to  continue  its  voy- 
age to  Seville,  where  it  arrived  on  November 
7,  1522.  Avila  was  carried  by  Florin  to  La 
Rochelle,  but  found  means  to  send  his  de- 
spatches to  the  Emperor.  The  Aztec  spoils 
went  to  enrich  the  treasury  of  Francis  I.  of 
France,  who  justified  their  capture  by  saying 
he  knew  of  no  provision  in  Father  Adam's  will 


Reconstruction 


385 


that  made  his  brother  of  Spain  sole  heir  to  all 
the  earth's  treasures. 

The  news  of  the  downfall  of  the  great  Aztec 
empire  spread  throughout  the  neighbouring 
states,  whose  rulers,  one  by  one,  sent  their  en- 
voys or  came  in  person  to  offer  their  allegiance 
to  the  conqueror,  and  to  solicit  his  protection. 
Mechoacan  was  the  most  important  of  these 
lesser  kingdoms  and  possessed  a  long  strip  of 
coast  on  the  Pacific.  Cortes  sent  Spaniards 
with  the  envoys  of  Catzolcin,  the  ruler  of 
Mechoacan,  to  explore  the  country  and  discover, 
if  possible,  a  good  harbour  on  the  South  Sea. 
The  dream  of  the  great  strait  uniting  the  two 
oceans  was  ever  in  his  mind ;  its  discovery  meant 
opening  the  way  to  the  Indies,  Cathay,  and 
the  Spice  Islands,  by  which  untold  wealth 
would  pour  into  Spain  from  those  fabulous 
regions.  Through  all  the  later  letters  of  Cor- 
tes, is  discernible  this,  his  chief  preoccu- 
pation, as  may  be  seen  from  the  following 
passages  taken  from  his  Fourth  Letter  of  Ge- 
lation : 

In  the  past  chapters,  Most  Powerful  Lord,  I  have 
told  Your  Excellency  to  what  points  I  had  sent 
people,  both  by  sea  and  land,  believing  that  with 
God's  guidance,  Your  Majesty  would  be  well  served 
by  them;  and,  as  I  always  take  great  care  and  be- 
think me  of  all  possible  means  to  carry  out  my 
desires  for  the  advancement  of  the  royal  service 
of  Your  Majesty,  it  seemed  to  me  that  it  only 


386  Fernando  Cortes 


remained  to  explore  the  coast  from  Panuco  to  the 
coast  of  Florida,  which  was  discovered  by  Juan 
Ponce  de  Leon,  and  from  there  to  follow  the  coast 
of  Florida  towards  the  north  as  far  as  the  Ba- 
callaos.1  For  it  is  believed  absolutely,  that  there 
is  a  strait  on  that  coast,  leading  to  the  South  Sea; 
and  if  it  should  be  found,  according  to  a  certain 
drawing  which  I  have  of  that  coast,  it  must  lead 
very  near  to  where  the  Archipelago  was  discovered 
by  Magellanes  under  Your  Highness's  commands. 
And  should  it  please  God,  our  Lord,  that  the  said 
strait  be  found  there,  it  would  open  a  good  and 
short  passage  from  the  Spiceries  to  these  dominions 
of  Your  Majesty,  quite  two-thirds  shorter  than  that 
which  is  at  present  followed,  and  one  which  will 
be  free  from  risks  and  dangers  to  the  ships;  for 
they  would  then  always  go  and  come  through  the 
dominions  of  Your  Majesty,  having  facilities  for 
repairs  in  any  port  they  choose  to  enter.  I  am 
thinking  over  to  myself  the  great  service  that  would 
be  rendered  to  Your  Majesty,  though  I  am  quite 
wasted  and  exhausted  by  all  I  have  done  and  spent 
in  the  expeditions  I  have  fitted  out  by  land  and 
sea,  and  in  providing  ammunition  and  artillery  in 
this  city,  and  in  many  other  expenses  and  outlays 
which  daily  occur;  for  all  our  provisions  are  ex- 
pensive and  of  such  excessive  prices  that,  although 
the  country  is  rich,  the  income  I  obtain  does  not 
correspond  to  my  outlays,  costs,  and  expenses;  yet, 

1  This  is  the  first  known  project  for  finding  the  north- 
west passage.  Bacallaos,  or  the  sea  of  codfish,  was  so 
called  from  the  vast  numbers  of  these  fish  which  have 
since  become  such  an  important  article  of  commerce  on 
our  North  Atlantic  coasts. 


Reconstruction  387 


repeating  all  I  have  said  before  and  setting  all  per- 
sonal interest  aside,  I  have  determined  to  prepare 
three  caravels  and  a  brigantine,  of  which  the  cost 
will  reach  more  than  ten  thousand  pesos  of  gold, 
which  I  swear  to  Your  Majesty  I  shall  have  to 
borrow.  I  add  this  new  service  to  those  I  have 
already  rendered,  for  I  hold  it  to  be  the  most  im- 
portant, hoping  as  I  do  to  find  the  strait;  and 
even  if  this  should  not  be  found,  certainly  many 
good  and  rich  countries  will  be  discovered,  where 
Your  Caesarian  Majesty  may  draw  profits  from  the 
Spicelands  and  other  countries  bordering  on  them. 
Thus  I  hold  myself  at  Your  Majesty's  service,  very 
happy  if  you  will  so  command  me  and,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  strait,  I  hope  to  conquer  these  coun- 
tries at  less  expense  than  any  one  else;  but  I  pray 
Our  Lord,  nevertheless,  that  my  armada  may  at- 
tain the  object  I  pursue,  which  is  to  discover  the 
strait,  for  that  would  be  the  happiest  of  all  results. 
Of  this  I  am  well  convinced,  because,  to  the  royal, 
good  fortune  of  Your  Majesty,  nothing  can  be  de- 
nied; and  diligence  and  good  preparation  and 
zeal  shall  not  be  wanting  on  my  part  to  achieve 
it. 

I  likewise  expect  to  send  out  the  ships  I  have 
built  on  the  South  Sea,  which  vessels, — Our  Lord 
being  willing, — will  sail  down  the  coast  at  the  end 
of  July  of  this  year,  1524,  in  search  of  the  same 
strait;  for  if  it  exists,  it  cannot  escape  both  those 
who  go  by  the  South  Sea  and  those  who  go  by  the 
North;  for  the  South  Sea  Expedition  will  go  till 
they  either  find  it  or  reach  the  country  discovered 
by  Magellanes,  and  those  of  the  North,  as  I  have  al- 
ready said,  until  they  reach  the  Bacallaos.    Thus  on 


388  Fernando  Cortes 


one  side  or  the  other  we  cannot  fail  to  discover  the 
secret. 

Visions  of  the  great  waterway  to  the  East 
were  not  suffered  to  interfere  with  the  reorgani- 
sation of  the  shattered  empire,  and  the  work  of 
rebuilding  the  destroyed  city  on  its  ancient  site 
wTas  actively  begun.  A  plan  was  drawn,  in 
wThich  each  concession  of  ground  was  marked; 
one  lot  was  given  to  any  one  who  applied,  on 
the  condition  that  he  should  build  a  house  and 
live  there  for  four  consecutive  years:  each  of 
the  conquerors  wras  entitled  to  two  lots.  Tlate- 
lolco  and  Popotla  wrere  the  quarters  of  the  new 
town  assigned  to  the  Indians,  and  the  native 
market  occupied  its  former  place  in  the  great 
square  where  the  last  desperate  battles  of  the 
siege  had  been  fought,  while  another  market 
for  the  Spaniards  was  established  before  the  site 
wrhere  the  vice-regal  palace  was  afterwTards  built. 

The  Indians  either  speedily  forgot  their  arts 
and  handicrafts  or  concealed  them ;  unwise  laws 
were  enacted  which  tended  also  to  suppress 
them.  Archbishop  Lorenzana  relates  an  in- 
cident illustrating  the  extraordinary  ability  of 
the  Indians  in  executing  the  most  delicate  wrork 
with  primitive  tools.  A  native  counterfeiter 
was  arrested,  and  his  whole  outfit  was  found 
to  consist  of  nothing  but  thorns  from  the  ma- 
guey or  cactus  plant.  The  viceroy  was  so 
amazed  that  he  offered  the  man  his  life  if  he 


Reconstruction 


389 


would  show  how  he  worked,  but  the  Indian 
preferred  to  die, 

A  municipal  council  was  created  in  1522  and, 
for  the  better  control  of  the  Indian  population, 
Cortes  revived  the  office  of  ciguacoat,  or  royal 
lieutenant;  the  authority  of  the  Aztec  emperors 
had  been  directly  exercised  through  the  holder 
of  this  office,  whom  the  people  were  therefore 
accustomed  to  obey.  Other  princes  and  ca- 
ciques were  restored  to  the  rank  and  dignities 
they  or  their  families  had  formerly  enjoyed, 
and  were  given  jurisdiction  over  their  subjects 
and  dependents.  They  were  required  to  fur- 
nish levies  of  workmen  for  the  capital,  and 
were  held  responsible  for  the  good  conduct  of 
their  people  and  for  the  amount  of  the  taxes 
assessed  by  the  government.  A  fortress,  so  de- 
signed as  to  shelter  the  brigantines  and  to  de- 
fend the  city,  was  constructed,  and  in  his 
fourth  letter  ,  dated  October  25,  1524,  Cortes  as- 
sured Charles  V.  that  within  five  years  Mexico 
would  be  the  largest  and  handsomest  town  in 
all  his  vast  dominions.  The  Bishop  of  Burgos 
had  prohibited  the  shipment  of  artillery  and 
munitions  for  the  army,  and  Cortes  was  thus 
thrown  upon  his  own  resources  to  produce 
these  much  needed  things  in  a  country  where 
they  had  never  before  existed.  Iron  was  un- 
known to  the  Mexicans  and,  though  copper  was 
plentiful,  there  was  neither  zinc  nor  tin  to  fuse 
with  it  for  making  bronze;  tin  was  opportunely 


39°  Fernando  Cortes 


discovered  in  Tasco,  where  it  was  used  as 
money,1  and  within  a  reasonable  space  of  time 
the  total  number  of  pieces  of  artillery  reached 
the  respectable  figure  of  ninety-five.  Powder 
was  still  wanting,  but  the  resourceful  com- 
mander, remembering  that  sulphur  had  been 
seen  in  the  crater  of  Popocatepetl,  sent  thither 
a  party  of  his  men  of  whom  one,  Montana,  was 
lowered  into  the  mouth  of  the  fiery  mountain 
and  brought  back  the  required  quantity.  This 
perilous  undertaking  was  never  repeated  as, 
with  the  removal  from  office  of  the  obnoxious 
bishop,  supplies  were  no  longer  withheld  from 
Cortes. 

Cristobal  de  Tapia,  after  being  detained  in 
Hispaniola  by  the  viceroy  and  the  audiencia, 
arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  in  December  and  pre- 
sented his  full-powers  from  the  Cardinal-regent 
to  the  municipality  of  that  port.  While  recog- 
nising his  official  character,  pretexts  were  dis- 
covered for  deferring  the  execution  of  his 
orders,  and  Cortes  was  meanwhile  notified  of 
the  commissioner's  arrival.  He  selected  Fray 
Pedro  Melgarejo  de  Urrea  as  his  ambassador 
and  sent  him  to  Vera  Cruz  to  treat  with  Tapia, 
to  whom  he  wrote  an  affectionate  letter  ex- 
pressing his  pleasure  at  his  arrival  and  his 
regret  that  an  illness  prevented  him  from  com- 

1  Humboldt  was  struck  with  this  mention  of  tin  money 
and  notes :  "  he  passage  remarquable  dans  lequel  Cortes 
parle  de  Vetain  comme  monnaie."    {Essai  Politique.) 


Reconstruction 


39i 


ing  to  welcome  him.  The  Mercedarian  was  a 
prudent  negotiator,  and  he  succeeded  in  con- 
vincing Tapia  that  his  wisest  course  was  to 
return  immediately  and  without  attempting  to 
carry  out  his  mission.  The  friar's  diplomacy 
was  backed  up  by  the  golden  arguments  that 
had  been  so  profitably  employed  in  former  and 
similar  circumstances,  and  the  commissioner 
re-embarked  for  the  Islands,  after  disposing  of 
his  horses,  slaves,  and  stores  at  the  highest 
market  prices.  If  his  reputation  suffered  in 
this  transaction,  he  doubtless  consoled  himself 
with  the  profits  to  his  fortune. 

The  Tapia  incident  being  thus  easily  disposed 
of,  Cortes  resumed  his  labours  for  extending  and 
affirming  his  rule  throughout  the  empire;  using 
Montezuma's  tribute  rolls  as  his  guide,  he  de- 
spatched his  captains  into  different  provinces 
to  found  settlements,  search  for  harbours  and 
mines,  and  to  report  to  him  on  the  resources  of 
the  country.  Alvarado  was  sent  to  Guatemala, 
Sandoval  to  Tuxtepeque  where  he  founded  a  town 
named  Medellin  in  honour  of  his  commander's 
birthplace  in  Spain;  Olid  to  Mechoacan,  Villa- 
fuerte  to  Zacutula,  and  Juan  Velasquez  to 
Colima.  Cortes  himself  headed  an  expedition 
to  the  Panuco  region  for  the  purpose  of  op- 
posing the  pretentions  of  Francisco  de  Garay 
to  exercise  jurisdiction  in  those  parts. 

At  the  conclusion  of  a  successful  campaign, 
the  town  of  Santestevan  del  Puerto  was  founded 


39 2  Fernando  Cortes 


on  a  narrow  strip  of  land  between  the  lake  of 
Ohila  and  the  seacoast,  and  was  provided  with 
a  small  garrison  and  the  usual  municipal  gov- 
ernment. The  peace  in  Panuco  was  destined  to 
be  soon  again  disturbed  by  the  arrival  of  Fran- 
cisco de  Garay  in  person,  at  the  head  of  nearly 
six  hundred  men. 

Cardinal  Adrian's  regency  had  meanwhile 
come  to  an  end  with  his  election  to  the  papal 
chair  under  the  title  of  Adrian  VI.,  and  Charles 
V.  had  returned  to  Spain  and  resumed  the 
government  of  his  kingdom.  While  the  enemies 
of  Cortes  were  as  diligent  as  they  were  insidi- 
ous in  their  efforts  to  prejudice  the  young 
sovereign  against  him,  his  friends,  amongst 
whom  the  most  zealous  were  the  Duke  of  Bejar, 
the  Count  of  Medellin  and  his  owrn  father, 
Martin  Cortes,  were  equally  assiduous  in  defend- 
ing his  character  and  explaining  the  value  of  his 
services.  The  King  appointed  a  commission  to 
investigate  the  disputed  merits  of  the  conqueror 
and,  acting  on  the  report  of  this  body,  Charles 
approved  his  acts  in  Mexico  and  appointed  him 
Governor,  Captain-General,  and  Chief  Justice 
of  New  Spain.  Diego  Velasquez  and  the  Bishop 
of  Burgos  were  rendered  henceforth  powerless 
to  interfere  in  Mexico.  The  royal  letters  con- 
firming this  appointment  were  dated  from 
Valladolid,  October  15,  1522.  The  Emperor 
wrote  an  autograph  letter  praising  and  thank- 
ing the  members  of  the  force  for  their  services, 


Reconstruction 


393 


and  honours,  grants  of  land,  and  other  accept- 
able favours  were  liberally  bestowed  on  both  the 
officers  and  the  men. 

Francisco  de  Garay  based  his  claims  to  Pa- 
nuco  on  a  royal  appointment  as  adelantado  1  of 
a  certain  extent  of  country  which  he  had  ex- 
plored and  in  which  he  considered  that  Panuco 
wras  included.  Fortunately  for  Cortes,  his  ap- 
pointment as  Captain-General  and  Chief  Justice, 
arrived  from  Spain  by  the  same  ship  that 
brought  him  news  of  the  machinations  of  Garay, 
who  was  acting  in  concert  with  Diego  Velasquez, 
thus  enabling  him  to  confront  his  adversary 
with  the  royal  cedula  that  rendered  Garay 
powerless.  Being  thus  worsted,  the  latter's 
prestige  amongst  his  own  followers  was  hope- 
lessly damaged,  and  meanwhile  their  imagi- 
nations had  been  so  fired  by  the  alluring  tales 
of  Alvarado  and  Ocampo,  that  the  majority  de- 
cided to  abandon  their  leader  and  remain  in 
Mexico.  They  had  the  technical  excuse  that 
they  had  engaged,  under  certain  stipulated  con- 
ditions, for  an  expedition  to  Panuco,  but  for 

1  The  title  given  to  the  Governor  of  a  province  and 
which,  in  the  case  of  Spanish  discoverers,  meant  the  leader 
of  an  exploring  expedition  who  was  empowered  to  colonise 
and  establish  a  government  of  which  he  should  be  the 
head,  in  any  countries  he  might  discover.  Las  Casas 
sarcastically  explained  the  etymology  of  the  title,  saying, 
porque  se  adelantaron  en  hacer  males  y  danos  tan  gravis- 
simos  a  gentes  pacificos,  "  because  they  took  the  lead  in 
perpetrating  such  great  evils  and  injuries  on  peaceful 
people." 


394  Fernando  Cortes 


nowhere  else,  and  as  to  Panuco  Garay  could 
not  go,  their  contract  no  longer  bound  them. 
Ocampo,  to  whom  Garay  appealed  to  uphold 
his  authority,  made  a  show  of  beating  the 
country  for  fugitives,  but  was  careful  to  col- 
lect only  the  least  desirable  men,  those  known 
as  adherents  of  Velasquez,  whom  he  was  glad 
to  see  leave  the  country.  Reduced  to  these 
straits,  Garay  went  to  Mexico,  where  Cortes 
played  the  magnanimous,  receiving  him  as  an 
old  friend  and  arranging  a  marriage  between  his 
daughter,  Catalina,  and  Garay's  eldest  son. 

On  Christmas  eve,  Garay  assisted  at  midnight 
mass  with  Cortes  and  afterwards  breakfasted 
with  him;  the  same  day  he  was  seized  with 
violent  pains  and  died  a  few  days  later;  so 
opportune  did  his  death  seem  to  some  people, 
that  whispers  of  poison  were  not  wanting.  The 
rising  of  the  Indians  of  Panuco  provoked  by 
Garay's  lawless  followers  under  command  of  his 
son,  whose  authority  they  ignored,  was  one  of 
the  most  formidable  of  its  kind,  and  its  sup- 
pression by  Alvarado  was  marked  by  the 
ferocious  cruelty  characteristic  of  him. 

The  proposed  marriage  between  Dona  Cata- 
lina and  the  son  of  Garay  never  took  place,  for 
she  is  mentioned  in  the  Bull  of  Legitimisation 
in  1529,  as  a  maiden  and  in  her  father's  will, 
made  in  1547,  she  is  mentioned  as  being  in  a 
convent  in  Coyohuacan.  It  is  difficult  to  iden- 
tify her  mother,  for  Archbishop  Lorenzana  says 


SANDOVAL 
FROM  AN  ENGRAVING  IN  HERRERA,  VOL. 


II. 


PAGE  32 


Reconstruction 


395 


she  was  the  daughter  of  the  first  wife,  Cata- 
lina  Xuarez,  while  other  writers  affirm  that  her 
mother  was  Marina  de  Escobar,  and  still  others 
assert  that  she  was  the  daughter  of  Dona  Elvira 
(daughter  of  Montezuma),  in  which  case  she 
would  have  been  an  infant  at  the  time  of  her 
bethrothal  to  young  Garay. 

To  quell  the  disturbances  amongst  the  Indians 
of  Panuco,  provoked  by  the  members  of  Garay's 
scattered  force,  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  was  sent 
thither  and,  by  the  capture  and  burning  of  four 
hundred  chiefs,  established  peace  in  that  region. 
The  better  to  drive  home  the  lesson,  he  forced 
the  Indians  to  assemble  and  witness  the  fright- 
ful execution  of  their  kinsmen. 

Some  authors  have  sought  to  cast  doubts  on 
the  number  burned,  and  Herrera  even  reduces 
it  to  thirty,  but  the  language  of  Cortes  himself 
is  unhappily  too  explicit  to  admit  of  doubt.1 
Sandoval  was  a  fellow-townsman  of  Cortes  and 
was  the  youngest  of  his  captains;  he  was  his 
commander's  favourite,  and  his  character,  as  it 
is  discerned  in  contemporary  records,  shows  him 
to  have  been  chivalrous,  kindly,  and  the  soul  of 
fidelity  to  Cortes,  who  trusted  both  his  loyalty 
and  his  prudence,  absolutely.  His  conduct  in 
Panuco,  however  repugnant  to  our  standards 
of  humanity,  would  have  encountered  the  un- 
reserved approval  of  the  collective  military 
opinion  of  Europe  at  that  time.    The  Duke  of 

1  Letters  of  Cortes,  torn,  ii.,  p.  193. 


396  Fernando  Cortes 


Alva,  many  years  later,  was  instructed  by 
Charles  IX.  of  France  to  murder  all  the  prison- 
ers he  had  taken  at  Genlis  and  Mons  and,  lest 
the  French  King's  order  might  not  constrain 
him  to  that  measure,  his  own  sovereign,  Philip 
II.,  wrote  that  if  for  any  reason  he  had  failed 
to  obey,  he  should  delay  no  longer,  adding  the 
significant  phrase,  that  his  conduct  would  do 
both  himself  and  all  Christendom  grave  injury. 
St.  Bartholomew,  the  Nones  of  Haarlem,  and 
the  Glencoe  massacre,  considered  as  repressive 
or  punitive  measures,  equalled  in  ferocity  the 
wholesale  execution  of  the  chiefs  in  Panuco. 
The  guilt  of  such  deeds  of  cruelty  may  be  more 
justly  assigned  to  the  pliant  jurists  who  forged 
such  weapons,  ready  for  their  sovereign's  hand, 
and  most  of  all  to  the  priestly  casuists  who 
salved  the  royal  conscience  and  even  blessed  the 
blow.  The  rude  soldiers  who  executed  the  deed 
were  the  least  culpable  amongst  the  guilty. 

News  of  the  seizure  by  French  pirates  of  the 
treasure  sent  to  Charles  V.  having  reached 
Mexico,  Cortes  had  collected  another  hoard  of 
gold,  silver,  feather-work,  rich  stuffs,  and  cu- 
rious ornaments.  Being  just  then  engaged  in 
casting  guns,  he  indulged  in  an  extravagant 
fancy  destined  to  impress  the  Emperor  and  his 
court  wTith  the  magnificent  resources  of  New 
Spain.  This  was  the  casting  of  a  silver  cannon, 
or  falconet,  for  his  sovereign's  acceptance.  It 
weighed  about  twenty-three  hundred- weight ;  the 


Reconstruction 


397 


ornamentation,  executed  by  the  best  native  silver- 
smiths, displayed  a  phenix,  underneath  which 
was  the  following  inscription: 

Aquesta  nacio  sin  par, 

Yo  en  serviros  sin  segundo; 

Vos,  sin  igual  en  el  mundo. 

The  Jesuit  historian,  Cavo,  says  this  legend  pro- 
voked much  invidious  comment  at  the  Spanish 
court. 

The  appointment  of  their  commander  as  cap- 
tain-general and  chief -justice  was  hailed  with 
enthusiasm  by  the  men  who  had  accomplished 
the  conquest,  for,  with  the  arrival  of  the  royal 
commission,  all  past  irregularities  were  wiped 
out,  their  semi-piratical  and  mutinous  conduct 
towTards  the  colonial  officials  wras  condoned,  and 
both  Cortes  and  his  men  might  congratulate 
themselves  on  finally  occupying  a  legally  sound 
and  royally  recognised  status  under  the  Spanish 
crown.  The  Emperor's  promises  of  recompense, 
though  vague,  were  sufficient  to  feed  the  hopes 
of  the  veterans  for  some  time  to  come,  while 
his  words  of  praise  reconciled  them  to  a  further 
postponement  of  more  substantial  rewards. 

During  this  period  of  the  reconstruction  of 
the  Mexican  State,  Cortes  proved  himself  a 
painstaking  and  capable  ruler,  and  nothing  that 
could  attract  colonists,  promote  their  welfare, 
and  develop  the  resources  of  the  country  es- 
caped his  attention.  In  March,  1524,  he  pub- 
26 


398  Fernando  Cortes 


lished  a  set  of  Ordinances  for  the  government 
of  the  country,  whose  provisions  furnish  incon- 
testable proof  of  his  wisdom  as  a  lawmaker. 
Some  of  his  enactments  were  as  strict  as  any 
Puritan  could  have  prescribed.  Married  colo- 
nists were  obliged  to  bring  their  wives  to  their 
plantations  within  eighteen  months,  under  pain 
of  forfeiting  the  grant;  those  who  were  unmar- 
ried were  given  the  same  period  within  which 
to  find  wives.1  Sumptuary  laws  regulated  the 
wearing  of  velvets,  silks,  and  brocades,  and  their 
use  for  saddles,  shoes,  and  sword-belts,  as  well 
as  the  display  of  jewels,  gold  ornaments,  and 
embroideries.2 

Sunday  observance  was  very  rigid  and  all 
shops  were  closed;  trades  of  every  kind  were 
suspended  during  the  hours  of  religious  services, 
while  attendance  at  mass  was  compulsory  on 
Sundays  and  great  feast  days.  Gambling  was 
the  hardest  vice  to  control,  and  the  enemies  of 
Cortes  were  not  slow  to  criticise  his  own  fond- 
ness for  cards  and  dice,  alleging  that  he  pri- 
vately practised  and  encouraged  what  he  publicly 
condemned. 

Unfortunately  the  Spaniards  introduced  the 
most  reprehensible  of  all  "  sports "  if  such  it 
can  be  honestly  called,  the  bull-fight,  as  early 
as  1526.3    Dancing  was  not  discouraged,  and 

1  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.  Ordenanzas  apud  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas. 

2  Puya,  Cedulario. 

3  Vetancourt,  Teatro  Mexicano. 


Reconstruction 


399 


religious  festivals  were  celebrated  with  gorgeous 
processions,  so  life  was  not  quite  so  colourless 
as  it  wras  afterwards  made  in  the  New  England 
colonies. 

To  provide  for  the  conversion  of  the  natives 
and  the  maintenance  of  Christian  instruction 
and  practices  amongst  the  Spaniards,  was 
amongst  the  chief  cares  of  Cortes,  and  to  this 
end,  he  begged  the  Emperor  to  send  men  of 
the  religious  Orders  to  Mexico.  He  objected  to 
bishops,  as  being  too  fond  of  good  living  and 
too  lazy  to  devote  themselves  to  such  labours, 
while  their  lax  morals  would  only  provoke 
scandals  and  discredit  the  Christian  religion. 
He  asked  that  the  Emperor  obtain  episcopal 
faculties  for  the  priors  of  the  Orders  and  thus 
obviate  the  necessity  of  having  bishops.  Charles 
V.  acted  on  this  suggestion  and  the  Pope,  at 
his  instance,  gave  to  Padre  Toribio  de  Bene- 
vente  (Motolinia)  power  to  give  confirmation 
but  not  to  consecrate  holy  oils.  The  first  su- 
perior of  the  Franciscans  was  Friar  Martin  de 
Valencia,  and  of  the  Dominicans,  Friar  Vetan- 
zos,  who  built  the  first  convent  near  Texcoco, 
at  a  place  called  Tepetlaxtoc.1 

Cortes  was  somewhat  sweeping  in  his  con- 
demnation of  bishops,  and  his  strictures  may 
only  be  admitted  with  reservations.  Arch- 
bishop Lorenzana  agrees  with  other  authorities 
that  there  were  bishops  and  canons  in  Spain, 

1  Lorenzana,  Fourth  Letter,  note. 


4oo  Fernando  Cortes 


who  led  lives  that  were  far  from  exemplary, 
but  says  that  this  state  of  things  was  fortu- 
nately brought  to  a  close  by  the  disciplinary 
enactments  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  With  such 
examples  of  apostolic  virtues  and  missionary 
zeal  as  are  found  in  the  lives  of  Spanish  bishops 
like  Las  Casas,  Zumarraga,  and  Diego  Landa 
before  us,  it  seems  evident  that  Cortes  too 
easily  despaired  of  finding  men  of  episcopal 
rank  adapted  for  spiritual  labours  in  Mexico. 
He  also  objected  to  doctors  and  more  especially 
to  lawyers,  and  earnestly  begged  the  Emperor 
to  forbid  members  of  these  learned  professions 
to  come  to  Mexico,  saying  that  the  doctors  would 
only  bring  new  diseases  with  them,  while  fail- 
ing to  cure  the  old  ones,  and  that  the  lawyers 
would  flourish  by  augmenting  the  contentions 
and  dissensions  which,  though  already  too  fre- 
quent, the  colonists  managed  to  settle  amicably 
amongst  themselves. 

In  October  of  1524,  it  seemed  to  Cortes,  as 
he  expressed  it  in  his  Fifth  Letter  to  Charles  V., 
that  he  "  had  been  a  long  time  inactive  and 
without  undertaking  anything  in  Your  Majesty's 
service/'  Cristobal  de  Olid  had  been  sent  in 
1523  to  establish  a  settlement  in  Honduras  and 
his  expedition  left  Vera  Cruz  on  January  11, 
1524,  stopping  first  at  Cuba,  where  the  com- 
mander fell  under  the  influence  of  Diego  Velas- 
quez, who  incited  him  to  throw  off  the  authority 
of  Cortes  and  act  independently.    When  the 


Reconstruction 


401 


first  news  of  his  insubordination  was  brought 
to  Cortes  by  Gonzalo  de  Salazar,  he  despatched 
his  kinsman,  Francisco  de  Las  Casas,  to  recall 
Olid  to  his  obedience.  Olid  had  sent  a  part  of 
his  forces  against  Gonzalo  de  Avila,  who  was 
also  exploring  in  that  country,  and  upon  the  ar- 
rival of  Las  Casas,  he  temporised,  seeing  that  he 
could  not  successfully  resist,  and  while  thus 
gaining  time,  he  sent  hurriedly  to  recall  his 
men.  A  violent  storm  having  driven  the  ships 
of  Las  Casas  on  to  the  coast,  he  and  his  men 
were  easily  captured,  and  as  Gonzalo  de  Avila 
was  likewise  taken  at  the  same  time,  Olid's 
star  was  in  the  ascendant.  His  triumph  was 
short-lived,  however,  for  he  had  rendered  him- 
self unpopular  in  the  colony,  of  which  fact  his 
prisoners,  who  had  complete  liberty  to  go  about, 
with  the  sole  restriction  that  they  were  not  to 
carry  arms,  took  advantage  to  plan  a  success- 
ful rebellion  against  him.  He  was  captured 
and,  after  a  summary  trial,  was  beheaded  in 
the  public  square  of  Naco.  The  audiencia  of 
San  Domingo  had  sought  to  forestall  these 
conflicts  amongst  Spaniards,  by  sending  their 
agent,  the  bachelor  Moreno,  with  full  powers 
to  order  Las  Casas  back  to  Vera  Cruz,  hoping 
to  put  an  end  to  the  contests  between  Olid  and 
Avila,  and  to  stop  Pedro  de  Alvarado  who, 
by  order  of  Cortes,  was  marching  overland 
against  Olid.  Moreno's  proceedings  and  those 
of  his  companion,  Ruano,  are  recounted  in  the 


4Q2  Fernando  Cortes 


memorial  read  by  the  colonists  to  Cortes,  which 
the  latter  transcribed  in  his  Fifth  Letter  for 
the  Emperor's  information. 

It  was  the  news  of  the  shipwreck  of  Las 
Casas,  and  of  the  troubled  state  of  the  Hon- 
duras colony  that  prompted  Cortes  to  undertake 
his  remarkable  expedition  through  Yucatan, 
which  forms  the  subject  of  his  Fifth  Letter  to 
Charles  V.  In  spite  of  the  royal  favour  shown 
him,  and  the  rank  and  powers  conferred  upon 
him  in  Mexico,  Cortes  began  at  this  time  to 
suffer  from  attacks  on  all  sides.  The  Spanish 
officials  formed,  in  reality,  a  band  of  spies  on 
his  every  act.  Gonzalo  de  Salazar,  Pero  Ar- 
mildez  Chirino,  Alonso  de  Estrada,  and  Rodrigo 
de  Albornoz  were  sent  as  revenue  officers  to 
Mexico  in  1524  and  empowered  to  establish  a 
court  of  accounts.  Estrada  was  treasurer,  Al- 
bornoz was  accountant,  Salazar,  factor,  and 
Chirino,  inspector.  Their  expectations  of  find- 
ing immense  treasures  ready  at  hand,  were 
disappointed,  and  the  only  explanation  which 
seemed  adequate  was  that  Cortes  had  concealed 
or  made  way  with  them.  In  their  joint  despatch 
to  the  Emperor,  they  accused  him  of  possessing 
great  riches,  and  of  having  hidden  the  treasure 
of  Montezuma  instead  of  accounting  for  it  to 
the  crown.  They  described  him  as  tyrannical, 
disloyal,  and  engaged  in  plotting  to  establish 
his  authority  independently  in  the  country. 
This  despatch  was  closely  followed  by  two  other 


Reconstruction  403 

letters,  one  signed  by  all  of  them  and  the  other 
by  Salazar  alone.  Salazar  stated  that  Cortes 
had  collected  three  hundred  and  four  million 
castellanos,  without  counting  Montezuma's 
treasure  which  was  buried  in  various  secret 
places;  that  he  had  retained  for  himself  some 
thirty-seven  or  forty  provinces,  some  of  them 
as  large  as  all  Andalusia;  that  he  wTas  com- 
monly believed  to  have  poisoned  Francisco  de 
Garay;  and  that  the  ships  he  pretended  were 
preparing  for  the  expedition  to  the  Spice 
Islands  were  really  for  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing himself  and  his  treasure  in  safety  to 
France. 

It  was  doubtless  a  relief  to  the  harassed  spirit 
of  Cortes  to  escape  from  the  trials  of  the  gov- 
ernorship and  the  attacks  of  his  enemies,  and 
to  betake  himself  to  the  wilderness  in  search 
of  the  secrets  of  the  lands  and  seas  to  the  un- 
known South.  In  setting  forth  on  this  expedi- 
tion, which  was  to  cover  a  distance  of  five 
hundred  leagues  through  savage  lands,  he  af- 
fected the  pomp  of  an  Oriental  satrap,  taking 
with  him,  besides  the  necessary  soldiers,  guides, 
Indian  allies,  and  camp-followers,  a  complete 
household  of  stewards,  valets,  pages,  grooms, 
and  other  attendants,  all  under  the  command 
of  a  major-domo  of  the  household.  Gold  and 
silver  plate  for  his  table  was  provided,  also 
musicians,  jugglers,  and  acrobats  to  amuse  the 
company.      Spanish   muleteers   and  equerries 


404  Fernando  Cortes 


were  taken  along  to  have  charge  of  the  car- 
riages and  horses  and,  in  addition  to  the  usual 
provender,  a  supply  of  meat  was  ensured  by 
an  immense  drove  of  pigs  driven  along,  which 
could  not  have  accelerated  the  march.  He  had 
a  map  painted  on  cloth  by  native  artists,  which 
showed,  after  their  fashion,  the  rivers  and 
mountain  chains  to  be  crossed.  This  and  his 
compass  were  all  he  could  rely  upon  to  guide 
him  during  his  perilous  undertaking.  Dona 
Marina,  went  as  chief  interpreter,  but  Geronimo 
de  Aguilar  did  not  accompany  this  expedition, 
though  he  was  not  dead,  as  Bernal  Diaz  states, 
for  in  1525  he  applied  for  a  piece  of  land  on 
which  to  build  a  house  in  the  street  now  called 
Balvanera.1  The  record  of  these  events,  how- 
ever noteworthy,  may  seem  tame  reading  after 
the  exciting  chronicle  of  the  siege  and  fall  of 
Mexico, — a  war  drama  of  the  most  intense  kind, 
— but  in  forming  a  correct  estimate  of  the  char- 
acter of  Cortes  we  must  not  restrict  ourselves 
to  a  study  of  the  qualities  he  displayed  in  the 
course  of  the  conquest,  and  which  prove  him  a 
most  resourceful  genius.  At  five  and  thirty 
years  of  age  he  had  successfully  completed  as 
daring  and  momentous  an  undertaking  as  his- 
tory records,  and  it  is  as  conqueror  of  Mexico 
that  he  takes  his  place  among  the  world's  great 
heroes.  M.  Desire  Charnay,  in  the  preface  to 
his  French  translation  of  the  Five  Letters  says: 
1  Alaman,  Dissertazione  iv. 


Reconstruction 


405 


"  La  conquete  de  Cortes  .  .  .  couta  an  Mexique 
de  dix  millions  d'etres  humains  emportes  par 
la  guerre,  les  maladies  et  les  mauvais  traite- 
ments:  de  sorte  que  cet  homme  de  genie  pent 
entrer  sans  conteste  dans  la  redoutable  phalange 
des  fleaux  de  Vliumanite."  1 

This  journey  through  Yucatan,  that  would 
have  won  renown  for  another,  added  nothing 
to  his  reputation,  rather  may  it  be  said  that 
the  darkest  stain  his  name  bears  was  inflicted 
on  it  amidst  the  labyrinthine  forests  of  that 
distant  land.  The  hardships  endured  by  him- 
self and  his  men  challenge  credibility;  the 
country  was  intersected  with  vast  rivers  and 
overgrown  with  such  extensive  forests  that  for 
days  they  marched  in  a  subterranean  gloom, 
unable  to  see  the  sky  and  hardly  able  to  find 
their  footing.  Dismal  swamps,  stretching  away 
indefinitely,  intercepted  their  march,  over  the 
greatest  of  which  the  persevering  commander 
built  a  bridge  composed  of  one  thousand  tree 
trunks,  each  sixty  feet  long  and  as  large  round 
as  a  man's  body.  The  Spaniards  being  so  re- 
duced by  hunger,  fatigue,  and  despair  of  ever 
getting  out  of  the  wilderness  alive,  were  on  the 
verge  of  open  mutiny  and  refused  to  undertake 
the  titanic  labour,  but  their  leader  was  not 
merely  undaunted  by  the  difficulties  of  the  task 
and  undismayed  by  their  refusal  to  work,  he 

1  Just  what  M.  Charnay  means  these  figures  to  include, 
is  not  clear. 


406 


Fernando  Cortes 


accomplished  his  purpose  and,  at  the  same  time, 
administered  a  stinging  rebuke  to  their  Cas- 
tilian  pride,  for  he  called  together  the  Indians 
of  his  expedition  and  confided  the  work  ex- 
clusively to  them,  excluding  his  own  men,  who 
were  thus  little  by  little  shamed  into  lending  a 
hand  towards  completing  the  bridge. 

Beyond  this  great  morass,  new  difficulties  of 
a  different  kind  awaited  them,  for  the  whole 
country  seemed  but  one  shaky  quagmire  in 
which  the  horses  sank  to  their  girths,  or  as 
Cortes  wrote  "  to  their  very  ears."  At  the  be- 
ginning of  Lent  in  1525  a  halt  was  made  in  the 
province  of  Acalan,  during  which  Quauhte- 
motzin  and  his  fellow  captives  were  executed. 
Cortes  related  the  incident  in  his  Fifth  Letter 
to  the  Emperor  as  follows: 

An  event  happened  in  this  province  which  it  is 
well  Your  Majesty  should  know.  An  honourable 
citizen  of  Temixtitan,  by  name  Mexicalcingo,  but 
now  called  Cristobal,  came  to  me  one  night  privately, 
bringing  certain  drawings  on  a  piece  of  the  paper 
used  in  that  country  and  explained  to  me  what  it 
meant.  He  told  me  that  Guatemucin  whom,  since 
the  capture  of  this  city,  I  have  held  a  prisoner  on 
account  of  his  turbulent  nature,  carrying  him  as 
well  as  other  chiefs  and  lords  whom  I  thought  the 
cause  of  revolt  in  this  country,  with  me  was  con- 
spiring against  me.  Besides  Guatemucin,  the  King 
of  Texcoco  and  Tetepanguecal,  King  of  Tacuba 
and  a  certain  Tacatelz  who  had  lived  formerly  in 


Reconstruction 


Mexico  in  the  quarter  of  Tatelulco,  all  of  whom 
many  times  conversed  among  themselves,  had  told 
this  Mexicalcingo  how  they  had  been  dispossessed 
of  their  land  and  authority  and  were  ruled  over  by 
the  Spaniards,  and  that  it  would  be  well  to  seek 
some  remedy  so  that  they  might  recover  their  au- 
thority and  possessions;  and,  in  speaking  thus  dur- 
ing this  expedition,  they  had  thought  the  best  way 
w^ould  be  to  kill  me  and  my  people  and  afterwards 
to  call  on  the  natives  of  these  provinces  to  rise  and 
kill  Cristobal  de  Olid  and  all  his  people ;  after  that, 
they  would  send  their  messengers  to  Temixtitan  to 
incite  the  people  to  kill  all  the  Spaniards,  which 
thing  they  thought  could  easily  be  done,  as  many 
were  newly  arrived  and  untrained  to  warfare. 
After  that,  they  would  raise  the  whole  country  and 
kill  all  the  Spaniards  wherever  they  might  be 
found,  putting  strong  garrisons  of  natives  in  all  the 
seaports  so  that  none  might  escape  nor  any  vessel 
coming  from  Castile  take  back  the  news.  By  these 
means  they  would  rule  again  as  before,  and  they 
had  already  distributed  the  different  provinces 
amongst  themselves,  giving  one  to  this  same  Mexi- 
calcingo. I  gave  many  thanks  to  Our  Lord  for 
having  revealed  this  treachery  to  me  and  at  day- 
break I  imprisoned  all  those  lords,  each  one  by 
himself,  and  then  inquired  of  them,  one  by  one,  about 
the  plot ;  and  to  each  I  said  that  the  others  had 
revealed  it  to  me  (for  they  could  not  speak  with 
one  another).  Thus  they  were  all  constrained  to 
confess  that  it  was  true  that  Guatemucin  and  Tete- 
panguecal  had  invented  the  plot  and  that,  though 
the  others  had  heard  it,  they  had  never  consented 
to  take  part.    These  two,  therefore,  were  hanged 


408  Fernando  Cortes 


and  I  set  the  others  free  because  it  appeared  they 
were  to  blame  for  nothing  more  than  having  listened, 
although  this  alone  was  sufficient  for  them  to 
deserve  death;  their  ease,  however,  remained  open 
so  that  at  any  time  they  relapse  they  may  be  pun- 
ished accordingly,  though  it  is  not  probable  that 
they  will  again  conspire  for  they  think  that  I  dis- 
covered this  by  some  magic,  and  that  nothing  can 
be  hidden  from  me;  for  they  have  noticed  that  to 
direct  the  making  of  the  road  I  often  consult  the 
map  and  compass,  especially  when  the  road  ap- 
proaches the  sea,  and  they  have  often  said  to  the 
Spaniards  that  they  believed  I  learned  it  by  that 
compass ;  also  they  have  sometimes  said,  wishing  to 
assure  me  of  their  good  disposition,  that  I  might 
know  their  honest  intentions  by  looking  into  the 
glass  and  on  the  map,  and  that  there  I  would  see 
their  sincerity  since  I  knew  everything  by  this 
means.    I  allowed  them  to  think  that  this  was  true. 

The  Indian  version  of  Quauhtemotzin's  execu- 
tion copied  by  Torquemada  from  a  Mexican 
manuscript,  is  quite  different  from  the  one 
Cortes  gives  to  the  Emperor.  Cohuanacox, 
King  of  Texcoco,  spoke  privately  at  Izancanac 
with  his  fellow-prisoners,  saying  that  were  their 
people  not  what  they  were,  their  kings  would 
not  be  so  easily  reduced  to  slavery  and  marched 
about  behind  the  Spanish  commander,  and  that 
it  would  in  reality  be  easy  enough  to  repay 
Cortes  for  burning  Quauhtemotzin's  feet.  At 
this  point  the  others  stopped  him,  but  a  Mexi- 
can who  is  called  Mexicalcin  and  w^as  baptised 


Reconstruction 


409 


as  Cristobal  had  overheard  and  reported  the 
words  to  Cortes,  who,  without  more  ado,  hanged 
the  three  princes  that  night  on  a  ceiba  tree. 
Torquemada  expresses  the  opinion  that  Cortes 
was  weary  of  guarding  the  royal  captives  yet 
dared  not  free  them,  and  was  glad  to  use  the 
first  pretext  to  kill  them. 

Bernal  Diaz  states  that  both  Quauhtemotzin 
and  Tetlepanquezatl  protested  their  entire  in- 
nocence and  that  all  the  Spaniards  disapproved 
the  execution.  Cortes  dared  much,  and  there  was 
little  articulate  public  opinion  in  Mexico  whose 
voice  he  could  not  control,  but  it  is  doubtful  if 
he  would  have  dared  to  hang  the  last  three 
native  kings  on  such  vague  charges,  reported 
by  a  camp  servant,  with  all  Mexico  looking  on. 
The  king  whom  Cortes  served,  offered  five 
thousand  crowns  for  the  assassination  of  an 
enemy,  and  there  was  not  a  contemporary 
sovereign  in  Europe  who,  in  case  of  necessity, 
would  have  hesitated  to  follow  his  example. 

It  were  not  strange  that  the  royal  captives 
should  have  talked  of  their  misfortunes  and 
sufferings,  when  they  thought  they  were  alone, 
or  have  discussed  how  it  all  might  have  been 
prevented,  or  even  repaired,  but  it  is  a  far  cry 
from  such  communings  over  their  camp-fire  to 
the  organisation  of  a  plot  to  kill  their  captor 
and  raise  a  general  insurrection  against  the 
Spaniards.  There  seems  no  discoverable  justi- 
fication for  this  barbarous  and  treacherous  act. 


4i o  Fernando  Cortes 


It  needed  no  gift  of  prophecy  for  Quauhtemotzin 
to  foresee  Ms  fate  when  he  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Cortes,  and  the  choice  he  then  expressed  for 
immediate  death  proved  that  he  cherished  no 
illusions  as  to  what  the  future  held  for  him. 
Prescott,  in  describing  the  inglorious  end  of 
the  last  Aztec  emperor  says :  "  Might  we  not 
rather  call  him  the  last  of  the  Aztecs,  since 
from  this  time,  broken  in  spirit  and  without  a 
head,  the  remnant  of  the  nation  resigned  itself 
almost  without  a  struggle  to  the  stern  yoke  of 
its  oppressors." 

It  is  said  that  Cortes  was  disquieted  in  his 
conscience  after  this  "  execution  "  and  for  a  long 
time  could  not  sleep.  The  murdered  captives 
were:  Quauhtemotzin,  Emperor  of  Mexico, 
Cohuanacox,  King  of  Texcoco;  Tetlepanquetzal, 
King  of  Tlacopan;  Oquizi,  King  of  Atzcapot- 
zalco ;  Vehichilzi,  brother  of  Quauhtemotzin  and 
King  of  Mechoacan,  and  the  two  Indian  generals, 
Xihmocoatl  and  Tlacatle.  Humboldt 1  describes 
an  Indian  picture-writing  representing  the  hang- 
ing of  these  prisoners  by  their  feet  to  prolong 
their  sufferings,  which  he  saw  in  Mexico. 

Everywhere  during  his  progress  through  the 
wilds,  Cortes  proclaimed  his  religious  and  poli- 
tical dogmas;  the  natives  were  instructed  in 
the  faith,  crosses  and  altars  replaced  the  de- 
molished idols  in  their  teocalli,  and  the  uni- 
versal sovereignty  of  the  King  of  Spain  over 

1  Essai  Polity  lib.  iii.,  cap.  viii. 


Reconstruction 


411 


all  the  American  nations  was  asserted.  He 
reported  hopefully  to  the  Emperor  on  the  ef- 
fects of  his  propaganda,  but  his  optimism  rested 
on  shadowy  foundations.  At  Peten-Izta,  an 
island  city  in  the  lake  of  Peten,  where  the  ca- 
cique seemed  an  unusually  enthusiastic  convert, 
a  horse  belonging  to  Cortes  was  found  to  be 
so  badly  lamed  that  it  had  to  be  left  behind. 
Charging  the  willing  cacique  to  look  to  its 
welfare,  the  expedition  moved  on.  The  fate  of 
this  animal  proved  indeed  a  strange  one.  Villa- 
gutierra  1  relates  that  some  Franciscan  monks, 
who  visited  Peten-Itza  in  1614,  with  Don  Martin 
Ursua,  landed  with  the  intention  of  building 
a  church  on  the  island  and  found  there  a  large 
temple,  in  which  stood  the  image  of  a  horse 
very  well  carved  in  stone.  They  discovered 
that  the  lame  horse  had  later  become  an  object 
of  great  veneration  to  the  natives  who  fed  him 
on  flowers,  birds,  and  similar  delicacies,  with 
the  natural  result  that  the  poor  animal  starved 
to  death,  after  which  he  was  ranked  amongst 
the  native  deities  and  worshipped  under  the 
title  of  Tziminchak,  god  of  thunder  and  light- 
ning. It  would  appear  from  this  that  the 
Christian  doctrines  had  not  been  so  clearly 
understood  by  the  chief  and  his  people  as  Cortes 
imagined. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  Spanish  settlement  on 
the  Golfo  Dulce,  Cortes  learned  of  the  fate  of 

1  Hist,  de  la  Conquista  del  Itza. 


4i2  Fernando  Cortes 


Olid,  and  of  all  the  adventures  and  afflictions 
that  had  befallen  the  colonists;  he  was  wel- 
comed by  the  miserable,  fever-stricken  remnant 
of  the  people,  with  what  enthusiasm  they  could 
still  muster.  After  listening  to  the  recital  of 
their  vicissitudes  and  grievances,  he  turned 
his  attention  to  planning  an  exploring  ex- 
pedition through  the  neighbouring  province  of 
Nicaragua,  which  he  felt  must  be  conquered  be- 
fore he  returned  to  Mexico.  At  this  juncture, 
however,  there  arrived  a  letter  from  the  licen- 
tiate Zuazo,  recounting  the  misrule  in  Mexico 
that  had  followed  close  upon  the  departure  of 
Cortes  from  the  city.  The  men  composing  the 
Provisional  Government  had  fallen  to  wrang- 
ling,— even  drawing  their  swords  in  the  council 
chamber, — and,  after  persecuting,  imprisoning, 
or  exiling  most  of  his  friends,  these  men  had 
seized  and  sold  his  property  and  were  per- 
petrating such  outrages  that  the  Franciscans 
had  left  the  city  and  the  entire  populace  lived 
in  daily  apprehension  of  a  mutiny  of  the 
Indians. 

The  report  of  the  absent  commander's  death 
was  so  persistently  spread  and  with  such  de- 
tails of  the  time  and  place  of  his  decease,  that 
his  own  friends  and  servants  began  to  believe 
it.  To  confirm  the  impression  requiem  masses 
were  celebrated  for  the  repose  of  his  soul. 
Diego  de  Ordaz  started  with  four  brigantines 
on  the  Xicalango  River,  which  empties  into  the 


Reconstruction  413 


gulf,  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  the  truth  of  the 
rumours;  he  met  several  Indian  traders,  who 
assured  him  that  Cortes  had  been  dead  for  seven 
or  eight  moons,  having  been  captured  after  a 
battle,  in  which  he  was  wounded  in  the  throat, 
by  the  cacique  of  Cuzamilco,  a  town  on  the 
lake  seven  days'  distant  from  Xicalango;  and 
that  the  cacique  had  sacrificed  him  to  the  prin- 
cipal deity  of  the  place  called  Uchilobos.1 
Zuazo's  report  convinced  Cortes  that  only  his 
presence  would  suffice  to  restore  order  out  of 
the  chaos  prevailing  in  the  capital.  His  first 
two  efforts  to  embark  for  Vera  Cruz  were  de- 
feated by  severe  gales,  and  it  was  not  until 
April  25,  1526,  that  he  was  able  to  set  sail  from 
Honduras.  His  vessel  was  driven  to  the  island 
of  Cuba  where  he  remained  until  May  16th, 
when  he  re-embarked  and,  after  a  voyage  of 
eight  days,  landed  near  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 
His  arrival  was  unexpected  and  he  landed  un- 
noticed, proceeding  directly  to  Medellin  where  he 
repaired  to  the  church  and  was  engaged  in  his 
devotions  when  the  news  of  his  presence  became 
public.  He  was  so  broken  by  the  fatigues  of  his 
expedition  and  so  wasted  by  fever  and  wounds 
that  he  was  scarcely  recognisable,  and  many 
could  hardly  persuade  themselves  that  the  ema- 
ciated man  they  saw  was  the  gallant  Malintzin. 
He  was  received  with  the  wildest  rejoicing,  the 

1  Letter  of  Albornoz  to  Charles  V.,  December  26,  1526, 
apud  Munoz,  torn,  lxxvii.,  fol.  clxix. 


414  Fernando  Cortes 


Indians  outdoing  the  Spaniards  in  their  en- 
thusiasm; for  despite  the  sufferings  he  had 
brought  upon  them,  he  understood  how  to  be 
kind  to  them  and,  compared  with  the  cold 
brutality  and  insatiable  rapacity  of  the  mean- 
spirited  officials  who  had  oppressed  the  natives 
during  his  absence,  the  treatment  of  them  by 
Cortes  seemed  to  this  poor  people  that  of  a  pa- 
ternal benefactor.  The  Jesuit  historian,  Cavo, 
in  recounting  the  events  of  this  period  says  that 

these  were  surely  among  the  happiest  days  of 
Cortes's  life,  for  he  could  hardly  proceed  on  his 
march  on  account  of  the  constant  demonstrations 
of  the  crowds  of  Indians  who  came,  some  of  them 
even  a  distance  of  sixty  leagues  to  see  him  and 
bring  him  presents,  so  that,  had  he  been  their  own 
king  Montezuma,  they  could  not  have  behaved  dif- 
ferently. Cortes  was  more  than  once  moved  to  tears 
by  such  unexpected  demonstrations  of  joy  from  this 
simple  people. 

On  his  arrival  in  the  capital,  Cortes  retired 
for  six  days  to  the  Franciscan  monastery  "  to 
give  an  account  of  my  sins  to  God "  as  he 
wrote  to  the  Emperor.  During  his  absence  of 
nearly  two  years,  his  enemies,  both  hidden  and 
declared,  had  sent  complaints  of  him  to  Spain 
by  every  ship;  he  was  accused  of  murdering  his 
wife,  Catalina,  who  had  died  within  a  few 
months  after  her  arrival  in  Mexico  where, 
though  her  presence  was  uninvited  and  probably 


Reconstruction 


415 


unwelcome,  she  was  received  with  the  honour  due 
to  her  husband's  exalted  position.1  He  was  ac- 
cused of  defrauding  both  the  royal  treasury  and 
his  companions  in  arms,  by  taking  an  undue 
share  of  the  spoils  of  war  for  himself,  and, 
finally,  the  accusation  of  plotting  to  set  up  an 
independent  government  with  himself  as  king 
was  preferred  against  him.  These  ceaseless  in- 
trigues decided  the  Emperor  to  send  a  high 
commissioner  with  ample  powers,  not  only  to 
investigate  all  the  charges  against  the  captain- 
general,  but  also  to  report  upon  the  general 
condition  of  affairs  in  New  Spain.   This  was  the 

1  This  accusation,  though  at  first  adopted  by  Juan 
Xuarez,  was  afterwards  dropped,  nor  did  the  Xuarez 
family  in  subsequent  claims  against  the  estate  of  Cortes 
ever  make  use  of  it.  Aleman,  in  the  fifth  of  his  Diserta- 
ciones,  observes  that  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was 
made  discredited  it,  and  that  it  was  neither  considered 
by  the  second  audiencia,  nor  did  it  prevent  Cortes  from 
forming  an  alliance  with  one  of  the  noblest  families  of 
Castile.  In  the  Pesquisa  Secreta,  published  in  the  Docu- 
mentos  Ineditos  de  Indias,  may  be  found  whatever  evi- 
dence could  be  collected  to  establish  this  charge.  Carefully 
weighed  and  with  due  consideration  of  the  methods  em- 
ployed to  elicit  testimony  and  the  character  and  purposes 
of  his  accusers,  even  the  strongest  points  in  the  evidence 
appear,  to  say  the  least,  unconvincing. 

The  enemies  of  Cortes  were  at  that  time  restrained  by 
no  scruples  in  their  determination  to  discredit  him  in 
Spain  and  break  his  power  in  Mexico.  In  his  letter  to 
Charles  V.,  dated  October  15,  1524,  he  somewhat  forgot 
his  habitual  self-control  and  betrayed  his  irritation  in 
immoderate  language  that  could  hardly  fail  to  awaken 
the  monarch's  distrust,  but  he  prudently  resisted  every 
provocation  to  acts  of  violence  that  might  give  colour  to 
the  more  serious  accusations  against  him. 


4i 6  Fernando  Cortes 


means  usually  employed  in  such  eases  and  did  not 
necessarily  constitute  any  indignity  to  Cortes,  to 
whom  the  Emperor  took  occasion  to  write,  noti- 
fying him  of  his  decision  and  assuring  him  that 
it  was  in  no  sense  prompted  by  suspicions 
of  his  loyalty  or  honesty,  but  rather  to  furnish 
him  with  the  opportunity  of  silencing  his  ca- 
lumniators once  for  all  by  proving  his  innocence. 
Don  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  a  young  man  of  high 
character  and  unusual  attainments,  was  charged 
with  this  delicate  mission  and  his  appointment 
was  universally  applauded  as  an  admirable  one. 
He  was  received  upon  his  arrival  in  Mexico  by 
Cortes  and  all  the  authorities  with  every  dis- 
tinction due  to  him,  but  his  untimely  death  of 
a  fever,  within  a  few  weeks  after  his  arrival, 
defeated  the  good  results  expected  from  his 
labours  and  also  furnished  the  enemies  of  Cortes 
with  another  accusation  against  him, — that  of 
poisoning  the  royal  commissioner. 

His  powers  devolved  upon  Marcos  de  Aguilar, 
who  was  not  only  too  old  for  such  an  arduous 
post  but  was  ill  of  a  disease  which,  it  was  said, 
obliged  him  to  take  nourishment  by  suckling, 
for  which  purpose  wet-nurses  and  she-goats 
were  daily  furnished  him.  The  speedy  death 
of  this  harmless  old  man  started  another  story 
of  poisoning  and  was  followed  by  the  supreme 
disaster  of  Estrada's  succession  to  the  ill- 
starred  commissionership,  under  whom  the  bait- 
ing of  Cortes  went  on  apace,  while  the  entire 
population,  Spanish  as  well  as  native,  groaned 


Reconstruction  4^7 

under  oppressions  and  vexations  innumerable. 
The  slave-trade  was  carried  on  shamelessly  with 
nameless  cruelties,  chiefly  by  the  brutal  Nunez 
de  Guzman,  a  partisan  of  Diego  Velasquez,  who 
had  been  placed  by  the  latter's  influence  as 
governor  of  Panuco,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
tormenting  Cortes  and  fomenting  cabals  against 
his  authority.  This  petty  tyrant  committed 
barbarities  never  before  heard  of  in  Mexico. 

Wearied  out  with  persecutions  and  insults, 
and  hopeless  of  obtaining  justice  from  such 
officials  as  Estrada  and  his  subordinates,  Cor- 
tes decided  to  go  to  Spain  and  lay  his  own 
case  before  the  Emperor.  His  decision  created 
some  consternation  amongst  his  opponents,  and 
Estrada  realised  that  it  was  a  great  blunder  to 
drive  the  captain-general  to  make  a  personal 
appeal  to  the  sovereign.  If  opposition  or  con- 
cessions could  have  stopped  him,  Cortes  would 
have  relinquished  his  plan,  for  overtures  were 
made  through  the  Bishop  of  Tlascala,  and 
promises  of  satisfaction  were  not  spared;  but 
his  preparations  were  well  under  way  and, 
though  perhaps  somewhat  mollified  by  the 
changed  tone  of  Estrada,  he  remained  firm  in 
his  purpose.  The  news  of  his  father's  death 
reached  him  in  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  had  gone 
to  embark  on  his  homeward  voyage,  and,  bur- 
dened with  this  sorrow,  he  sailed  for  the  his- 
toric port  of  Palos,  where  he  arrived  after  an 
unusually  brief  and  prosperous  passage,  in  the 
month  of  May,  1528. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


CLOSING     SCENES — TRIUMPHS     AND  DISAPPOINT- 
MENTS— THE  DEATH  OF  CORTES 

The  Home-Coming — Dignities  and  Privileges — Second 
Marriage — Nunez  de  Guzman — Arrival  in  Vera  Cruz 
— Marquisate  of  Oaxaca — The  South  Sea — Return  to 
Spain — Voltaire's  Legend — Death  of  Cortes — Burial 
of  Cortes — Funeral  in  Mexico — Last  Resting  Place-— 
The  Palermo  Legend 

/^ORTES  had  arranged  that  his  arrival  at 


the  Spanish  Court  should  be  of  the  nature 
of  a  veritable  pageant.  Different  estimates  of 
the  treasure  he  took  with  him  are  given  by  dif- 
ferent authorities,  but  these  are  mere  matters 
of  figures;  the  amount  was  fabulous,  and  in 
addition  to  this  he  carried  a  perfect  museum  of 
Mexican  objects,  such  as  the  unique  feather- 
work  in  which  the  Indians  excelled,  arms, 
embroideries,  implements  of  obsidian,  rare 
plants;  indigenous  products  such  as  chocolate, 
tobacco,  vanilla,  and  liquid  amber;  gorgeous 
parrots,  herons,  jaguars,  and  other  beautiful 
birds  and  animals  unknown  in  Spain,  were 
carried  or  led  by  Indians,  wearing  the  dress  of 
their  tribes.  That  nothing  might  be  wanting, 
he  took  with  him  many  skilful  jugglers,  acrobats, 
dwarfs,  albinos,  and  human  monstrosities,  which 


Closing  Scenes 


419 


were  much  the  fashion  at  that  time,  and 
these  curiosities  made  such  a  sensation  that 
Charles  V.  could  think  of  no  fitter  destina- 
tion for  them  than  to  send  them  on  to  His 
Holiness  Clement  VII.,  before  whom  they  per- 
formed and  showed  themselves  to  the  delight 
and  wonder  of  the  pontifical  court.  In  the 
personal  suite  of  the  Conqueror,  besides  the 
numerous  officials  of  his  household,  there  went 
about  forty  Indian  princes  in  their  most  gor- 
geous robes  and  jewels,  amongst  whom  were  the 
sons  of  Montezuma  and  of  the  Tlascalan  chief, 
Maxixcatzin. 

The  arrival  of  this  magnificent  cortege  at 
Palos  was  unannounced,  and  hence  no  fitting  re- 
ception had  been  prepared  there,  but  accident 
supplied  a  more  remarkable  grouping  of  in- 
teresting men  of  the  century  than  design  could 
have  provided.  Within  the  modest  walls  of 
Santa  Maria  la  Rabida,  where  Columbus  had 
found  hospitality,  there  met  with  Cortes,  who 
was  accompanied  by  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval  and 
Andres  de  Tapia,  Francisco  Pizarro,  whose  bril- 
liant career  in  South  America,  rivalling  his 
own  in  the  North,  was  just  dawning;  and 
by  a  fateful  coincidence,  there  was  also  in  the 
suite  of  Cortes,  the  Spanish  soldier,  Juan  de 
Eada,  by  whose  hand  Pizarro  was  destined  to 
perish  in  Peru.  The  date  of  his  arrival  at 
Palos  is  given  by  Bernal  Diaz  as  December, 
1527,  but  Herrera's  authority  for  the  later  date 


42o  Fernando  Cortes 


has  been  followed  by  Prescott,  Alaman,  and 
other  historians. 

The  triumphal  home-coming  was  marred  at 
the  very  outset  by  the  death  of  Gonzalo  de  San- 
doval at  Palos,  a  few  days  after  their  landing. 
For  none  of  his  captains  did  Cortes  cherish  the 
affection  he  felt  for  this  gallant  young  soldier, 
who  was  his  fellow-townsman  and  loyal  friend. 
Sandoval  was  buried  at  La  Babida,  and  Cortes 
first  went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of 
Guadeloupe,  where  he  spent  some  days  in 
mourning  his  loss  and  having  masses  cele- 
brated for  the  departed  soul.  This  pious  duty 
accomplished,  he  set  out  for  Toledo,  where  the 
Court  then  was,  and,  as  the  news  of  his  arrival 
had  spread  and  had  also  been  announced  by 
his  own  letter  to  the  Emperor,  he  was  every- 
where accorded  a  veritable  triumph  by  the  peo- 
ple, who  flocked  from  all  sides  to  see  the  hero 
of  the  great  conquest  and  to  gaze  upon  the 
marvellous  trophies  which  he  brought;  so  that 
since  the  first  return  of  Columbus  no  such 
demonstrations  had  been  seen  in  Spain. 

A  brilliant  group  of  nobles  comprising  the 
Duke  of  Bejar,  the  Counts  of  Aguilar  and 
Medellin,  the  Grand  Prior  of  St.  John,  and 
many  of  the  first  citizens  of  Toledo,  rode  out 
from  the  city  to  meet  the  conqueror  on  the 
plain,  and  the  next  day  the  Emperor  received 
him  with  every  mark  of  favour,  raising  him  up 
when  he  would  have  knelt  in  the  royal  presence, 


PORTRAIT  OF  CORTES 
FROM  A  COPPER  PRINT  OF  1716 


Triumphs  and  Disappointments  421 


and  seating  him  by  his  side.  The  moment  was 
an  auspicious  one,  for  influences  had  been  at 
work  in  his  favour.  Since  the  appointment  of 
the  new  commission  of  residencia,  presided  over 
by  the  infamous  Nunez  de  Guzman,  which  had 
already  left  Spain,  the  Emperor's  information 
as  to  the  real  state  of  things  in  Mexico,  and  the 
respective  merits  of  the  contending  parties,  had 
been  much  extended  and  perfected.  He  con- 
sulted Cortes  during  his  stay  at  Court  upon 
everything  pertaining  to  the  new  realm;  its  re- 
sources, the  natives,  their  customs,  the  Spanish 
colonists,  and  especially  concerning  the  best 
means  for  establishing  a  stable  government,  and 
developing  industries  and  agriculture. 

Besides  full  power  to  continue  his  explora- 
tions, and  the  confirmation  of  his  rank  of  Cap- 
tain-General, the  title  of  Marques  del  Valle  de 
Oaxaca  was  conferred  upon  Cortes  and  his 
descendants,  by  patents  dated  July  6,  1529,  to 
which  was  joined  a  vast  grant  of  lands,  com- 
prising twenty-eight  towns  and  villages;  one 
twelfth  of  all  his  future  discoveries  was  to  be 
his  own.  He  received  the  knighthood  and  habit 
of  Santiago,  and  when  he  was  confined  to  his 
lodgings  by  illness,  the  Emperor  visited  him  in 
person ;  this  latter  being  such  a  singular  honour 
that,  as  Prescott  caustically  observes,  the  Span- 
ish writers  of  the  time  seemed  to  regard  it  as 
ample  recompense  for  all  he  had  done  and 
suffered.    It  does  not  seem  certain  that  he  ac- 


422  Fernando  Cortes 


cepted  the  knighthood  of  Santiago,  though 
Herrera  says  that  he  had  already  possessed  it 
since  1525.  His  reason  for  his  alleged  refusal 
was  that  no  commenda  was  attached  to  the 
dignity,  and  Alaman  1  says  that,  while  his  name 
is  on  the  rolls  of  the  order,  the  insignia  do 
not  appear  either  in  his  arms  or  his  portraits, 
nor  is  any  mention  found  of  his  possession  of 
this  grade  in  the  list  of  his  honours. 

It  is  good  to  note  that  Cortes  did  not  forget 
his  friends  while  he  was  at  Court,  but  profited 
by  the  Emperor's  hour  of  graciousness  to  obtain 
countless  favours  for  them,  especially  for  the 
Indians.  The  Tlascalans,  in  recognition  of  their 
loyalty,  were  exempted  for  ever  from  taxes  and 
tribute;  the  Cempoallans  were  granted  a  like 
exemption  for  a  period  of  two  years;  a  college 
for  the  sons  of  Mexican  nobles,  and  another  for 
girls,  were  endowed.  Money  was  awarded  to 
the  Franciscan  Order  for  building  churches  and 
schools;  tithes  were  established  to  maintain  the 
Bishop  Zumarraga;  various  privileges  were  se- 
cured for  the  original  "  conquerors  "  who  had 
settled  in  the  country.  Generous  doweries  were 
also  appointed  to  the  four  daughters  of  Monte- 
zuma, who  were  being  educated  in  a  convent  in 
Texcoco,  as  well  as  to  the  daughters  of  Mexican 
nobles  who  married  Spaniards. 

During  his  stay  in  Spain,  Cortes  married  his 
second  wife  Dona  Juana  de  Zuniga,  a  daughter 

1  Dissertazione  v. 


Triumphs  and  Disappointments  423 


of  the  Count  of  Aguilar  and  niece  of  the  Duke 
of  Bejar.  His  gifts  to  his  bride  were  of  such 
magnificence  as  to  arouse  even  the  Queen's  envy, 
especially  the  five  large  stones  described  as 
emeralds,  which  excelled  any  jewels  ever  seen 
and  were  worth  a  nation's  ransom.  There  were 
no  emeralds  in  Mexico,  and  these  stones  were 
probably  a  kind  of  jade  or  serpentine  of  great 
brilliancy  and  value,  which  were  easily  con- 
founded with  emeralds.  One  of  these  stones 
wras  cut  as  a  bell,  whose  tongue  was  formed  of 
a  large  pear-shaped  pearl,  and  which  bore  the 
inscription  benedito  sea  el  que  te  crio  1j  another 
was  shaped  like  a  fish  with  golden  eyes;  the 
third  was  in  the  form  of  a  rose;  the  fourth  in 
that  of  a  trumpet;  and  the  fifth  was  fashioned 
into  a  cup,  surmounted  by  a  superb  pearl  and 
standing  on  a  base  of  gold,  on  which  was  the 
inscription,  inter  natos  mulierum  non  surexit 
major.2  For  this  last  jewel  alone,  some  Genoese 
merchants  who  saw  it  at  Palos  offered  forty  thou- 
sand ducats.  The  fame  of  these  jewels  was 
such  that  the  Queen  expressed  a  wish  to  have 
them,  and,  had  not  Cortes  forestalled  the  royal 
desire  by  presenting  them  to  Dona  Juana  de 
Zuniga  as  a  marriage  gift,  they  would  doubtless 
have  passed  into  the  crown  jewels  of  Spain. 

In  the  meantime,  while  Cortes  was  being 
lionised  and  honoured  in  Spain,  his  enemies  in 

1 "  Blessed  be  thy  maker." 

2  "  Amongst  men  born  of  women  no  greater  has  arisen." 


424  Fernando  Cortes  v 


Mexico  were  not  idle,  for  Nunez  de  Guzman 
from  the  moment  of  arriving  there  had  begun 
secretly  to  collect  information  against  him 
and,  by  unscrupulous  and  inquisitorial  methods, 
easily  succeeded  in  forming  a  voluminous  bud- 
get of  accusations,  among  which  figured  the 
alleged  poisoning  of  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  the 
conspiracy  to  establish  himself  as  independent 
sovereign  in  Mexico,  defrauding  the  royal  fisc, 
and  incitement  of  the  Indians  to  rebel  against 
the  royal  authority  while  he  was  absent  in 
Spain.  Encouraging  the  enemies  of  Cortes  to 
depose  against  him  on  the  one  hand,  Guzman 
found  excuses  for  persecuting  his  friends  on 
the  other,  even  to  the  extent  of  imprisoning, 
torturing,  and  hanging  them,  on  one  pretext  or 
another.  Things  reached  such  a  pass  through 
the  violence  of  the  President's  conduct,  that  the 
Bishop,  Fray  Juan  Zumarraga,  a  man  whose 
exemplary  life  gave  him  great  influence,  and 
the  Franciscan  monks,  sent  a  vigorous  protest 
to  Spain  against  Guzman  and  his  auditors, 
praying  that  the  former  be  deposed.  .This  peti- 
tion provoked  an  order  from  the  Empress-Regent 
and  the  Royal  Council,  to  take  their  residencia 
and  that  they  be  imprisoned  if  found  guilty  of 
the  abuses  imputed  to  them.  The  Bishop  him- 
self was  appointed,  ad  interim,  President  of  the 
new  audiencia,  which  was  composed  of  Quiroga, 
Salmeron,  and  Ceynos,  pending  the  arrival  of 
the  permanent  President,  Don  Sebastian  Ra- 


Triumphs  and  Disappointments  425 

mirez  de  Fuenleal,  then  Bishop  of  San  Domingo 
and  afterwards  of  Cuenca. 

Nunez  de  Guzman  sought  to  evade  the  issue  by 
organising  against  the  Chichimecas  an  expedi- 
tion which  he  conducted  with  characteristic  bru- 
tality. He  left  the  city  of  Mexico  at  the  head  of 
five  hundred  Spaniards,  and  over  two  thousand 
Indians,  between  auxiliaries  and  camp  servants, 
before  Cortes  returned  from  Spain. 

The  powers  conceded  to  Cortes  as  Captain- 
General,  and  for  the  continuation  of  his  explora- 
tions and  discoveries,  were  so  large,  and  so 
ill-defined,  that  they  could  hardly  fail  to  con- 
flict with  those  of  the  royal  audiencia,  and  this 
came  to  pass  immediately  after  his  arrival  at 
Vera  Cruz  on  July  15,  1530.  The  Marques,  as 
he  was  henceforward  called,  was  accompanied 
by  his  wife  and  his  mother,  and  was  received 
upon  landing  with  jubilation  by  Spaniards  and 
Indians  alike,  who  flocked  in  thousands  from 
all  parts  to  welcome  him  and  to  present  their 
grievances  for  his  adjustment.  The  new  audi- 
encia  was  not  yet  constituted,  and  the  auditors, 
Matienzo  and  Delgadillo,  sent  strict  orders  to 
Vera  Cruz  that  the  people  assembled  there  to 
honour  Cortes  should  disperse  to  their  homes, 
while  to  Cortes  himself,  who  had  meanwhile 
marched  amidst  ovations  by  the  way  of  Tlascala 
to  Texcoco,  they  delivered  a  prohibition  to  enter 
the  capital.  This  order  was  in  conformity  with 
the  instructions  given  him  before  leaving  Spain, 


426  Fernando  Cortes 


so  he  was  obliged  to  respect  it  and  to  establish 
himself  at  Texcoco  until  the  arrival  of  the  new 
audiencia,  which  took  place  in  December  of  the 
same  year,  1530.  At  the  outset  everything  went 
well,  and  the  new  auditors  rendered  justice  in 
several  pending  claims  and  took  counsel  with 
Cortes  concerning  affairs  and  the  measures  to  be 
adopted.  This  promising  state  of  things,  how- 
ever, was  of  brief  duration,  and,  in  their  letter 
of  February  22,  1531,  to  the  Emperor  they  made 
complaints  of  his  pretensions  and  mentioned, 
among  other  things,  that  the  Bishops  in  reading 
the  prayers  for  the  King  and  royal  family  added 
after  the  words  cum  prole  regia  "  et  duce  exer- 
citus  nostri"  and  that  they  had  corrected  him 
for  doing  so. 

Another  of  their  letters,  in  August,  1532,  com- 
plains of  his  great  influence  over  the  natives  and 
of  his  using  his  powers  as  Captain-General  to 
revenge  himself  on  his  enemies,  adding,  "  He 
says  he  will  resign  the  Captaincy  General  and 
return  to  Spain.  Oh  if  he  would  only  do  it !  "  1 
The  auditors  at  other  times  advised  that  he  be 
called  to  Spain  on  some  pretext, — the  more  so 
as  he  wanted  to  go. 

The  conquest  finished,  the  Conqueror's  occu- 
pation was  gone.  His  proud  spirit  and  active 
temperament  could  ill  brook  the  checks  of  the 
audiencia  and  the  limitations  set  to  his  enter- 
prises by  men  who  neither  understood  nor  sym- 

1  Munoz,  torn,  lxxix.,  fol.  118. 


Triumphs  and  Disappointments  427 

pathised  with  them.  At  one  time  he  retired  in 
disgust  from  the  capital,  intending  to  devote 
himself  to  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  his 
vast  marquisate  of  Oaxaca.  In  the  picturesque 
town  of  Cuernavaca  he  had  built  himself  a  hand- 
some palace  and  a  large  church,  both  of  which 
are  still  standing,  though  in  a  lamentable  state 
of  advancing  dilapidation.  As  a  planter  in  Cuba 
he  had  already  shown  initiative  and  capacity, 
and  he  profited  by  his  former  experience  to 
introduce  successfully  the  sugar-cane,  the  silk- 
worm culture,  new  breeds  of  the  merino  sheep, 
and  various  other  kinds  of  cattle.  Mills  for 
the  handling  of  raw  products  were  established 
in  various  places,  and  these  new  industries  with 
which  Cortes  endowed  Mexico  have  continued 
to  be  among  her  chief  sources  of  wealth.  But 
this  was  insufficient  to  occupy  his  restless  ac- 
tivities, which,  by  the  news  of  events  in  Peru, 
and  of  the  rich  countries  discovered  in  the  South 
Sea  and  along  the  Gulf  of  California,  were 
constantly  excited  to  plan  fresh  enterprises.  In 
May,  1532,  he  fitted  out  two  vessels  which  sailed 
from  Acapulco  under  command  of  his  cousin 
Diego  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  one  of  which,  with 
the  commander  on  board,  was  never  heard  of 
again,  while  the  other  reached  Jalisco  after 
many  perils.  The  misfortunes  of  this  expedi- 
tion began  with  a  mutiny. 

Two  years  later  (1534)  he  built  two  more 
vessels  at  Tehuantepec  which  he  entrusted  to 


428  Fernando  Cortes 


Hernando  Grijalba  and  Diego  de  Bezerra  de 
Mendoza  (a  relative)  respectively,  with  Ortun 
Jimenez  as  pilot.  The  ships  got  separated  the 
first  night  out  and  never  saw  one  another  again. 
The  one  commanded  by  Grijalba  discovered  a 
deserted  island  called  Santo  Tome,  somewhere 
off  the  point  of  Lower  California,  and  returned 
thence  to  Tehuan tepee;  the  fate  of  the  other 
was  tragical,  for  Bezerra  was  murdered  in  his 
sleep  by  the  pilot  Jimenez,  who  took  command, 
and,  after  coasting  along  Jalisco,  landed  at  the 
Bay  of  Santa  Cruz  where  he,  with  twenty  Span- 
iards, was  killed  by  the  natives.  The  remain- 
ing sailors  got  back  to  the  port  of  Chiametla 
wThere  Nunez  de  Guzman,  who  was  then  in 
Jalisco,  took  possession  of  the  vessel. 

These  two  fruitless  ventures  decided  Cortes 
to  take  command  himself,  and  in  1536  he  sent 
three  ships  from  Tehuantepec  to  the  port  of 
Chiametla  where  he  joined  them,  marching  over- 
land from  Mexico.  He  regained  possession  of 
the  ship  which  Guzman  had  seized  from  the 
sailors  of  Jimenez,  refitted  it  and  set  out  on  his 
voyage,  exploring  the  coast  for  some  fifty  leagues 
beyond  Santa  Cruz  (or  La  Paz),  during  which 
trip  he  suffered  innumerable  hardships  and  lost 
many  of  his  men  from  sickness.  The  news  of 
his  own  death  reached  Mexico,  and  his  wife  sent 
two  ships  and  a  caravel  to  look  for  him  and 
bring  him  back.  His  wife's  letters,  together 
with  others  from  the  royal  audiencia  and  the 


Triumphs  and  Disappointments  429 


Viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  urging  his 
return  as  very  necessary,  decided  him  to 
abandon  further  explorations  and,  after  leav- 
ing Francisco  de  Ulloa  in  California,  he  re- 
turned to  Acapulco  in  the  early  part  of  1537. 

He  sent  three  ships,  the  Santa  Agueda,  La 
Trinidad,  and  the  Santo  Tomas,  back  to  Fran- 
cisco de  Ulloa  in  May  of  that  same  year,  which, 
after  some  fruitless  cruising  about,  returned  to 
Acapulco,  the  whole  venture  having  cost  him 
some  two  hundred  thousand  ducats.1  A  royal 
cedula,  dated  April  1,  1539,  from  Saragossa, 
provided  for  the  payment  of  this  claim,  but  re- 
mained ineffective.2 

Thus  the  only  results  obtained  from  these 
various  undertakings  were  debts,  and  he  com- 
plained that  he  had  so  many  that  he  was  obliged 
to  raise  money,  even  on  his  wife's  jewels.  He 
wrote  in  despair  to  the  Emperor  that  it  was 
easier  to  fight  the  Indians  than  to  contend  with 
his  Majesty's  officials,  and  after  years  of  litiga- 
tion, during  which  the  royal  authorities  seemed 
to  study  how  best  to  vex  and  circumvent  him, 
and  after  the  series  of  useless  but  costly  ex- 
peditions in  the  Pacific,  he  started  on  his  second 
journey  to  Spain,  which  was  to  be  his  last. 

A  very  different  reception  from  the  former  one 
awaited  him,  for  the  Emperor  was  coldly  civil 

1  Noticia  Historica.  Lorenzana  Cartas  de  Cortes,  edi- 
tion 1776. 

2Alaman,  Dissertazione  v.    Italian  translation,  1859. 


43°  Fernando  Cortes 


and  the  Court  in  consequence  was  colder.  His 
constant  complaints  and  demands  for  satisfac- 
tion fell  upon  deaf  or  weary  ears,  for  Court 
favours  usually  reckon  more  with  present  than 
with  past  services,  and  there  was  nothing  more 
to  be  obtained  from  Cortes,  who  was  broken 
in  health  and  no  longer  young.  At  this  time, 
too,  Spain  was  all  aflame  with  excitement  over 
the  brilliant  achievements  of  Pizarro  in  Peru, 
which  eclipsed  the  familiar  exploits  in  Mexico 
now  grown  stale. 

He  joined  the  unsuccessful  expedition  sent 
against  Algiers  in  1541,  in  which  the  ship  on 
which  he  and  his  sons  Martin  and  Luis  sailed 
was  wrecked,  together  with  eleven  galleys  of 
Andrea  Doria.  They  barely  escaped  with  their 
lives,  and  the  five  famous  emeralds,  which  con- 
stituted an  important  item  in  his  fortune  and 
which  he  always  carried  on  his  person,  were  lost. 

The  supreme  slight  of  leaving  him  out  of  the 
council  of  war,  summoned  to  consider  the  plan 
of  the  campaign,  was  at  this  time  put  upon  him, 
and,  to  his  boast  that  with  his  Mexican  veterans 
he  could  take  Algiers,  one  of  the  generals  super- 
ciliously replied  that  fighting  the  Moors  was 
different  work  from  killing  naked  Indians.  His 
situation  became  less  and  less  worthy,  and  an 
anecdote,  dramatically  illustrating  the  depth  to 
which  he  sunk,  relates  that  after  vain  efforts 
to  get  a  hearing  from  the  Emperor,  he  thrust 
himself  forward  to  the  steps  of  the  royal  car- 


Triumphs  and  Disappointments  431 

riage  where,  upon  perceiving  him,  the  sovereign 
haughtily  exclaimed,  "  And  who  are  you?  "  To 
which  Cortes  proudly  answered,  "  Sire,  I  am 
a  man  who  has  given  your  Majesty  more  pro- 
vinces than  you  possessed  cities."  What  hap- 
pened next  we  are  not  told.  If  it  were  true, 
the  incident  would  picture  eloquently  the  de- 
gradation of  the  greatest  captain  of  his  age, 
forced  to  waylay  his  sovereign  at  his  carriage 
steps  like  the  meanest  beggar.  There  is  no 
evidence  forthcoming,  however,  to  show  that 
any  such  dialogue  was  ever  spoken.  Those  who 
have  believed  and  repeated  this  story —  and 
they  are  many — have  done  so  on  the  sole  au- 
thority of  Voltaire,  with  whom  it  apparently 
originated.1  He  does  not  indicate  from  what 
source  the  information  reached  him.  The  scene 
as  described  seems  to  epitomise  a  very  tragedy 
of  disappointment  and  humiliation,  so,  despite 
the  staring  stamp  of  fiction  it  bears,  it  will 
doubtless  continue  to  pass  for  history  when  less 
dramatic  facts  are  consigned  to  forgetfulness. 

The  marriage  arranged  for  his  daughter  with 
a  son  of  the  Marquis  of  Astorga  was  broken  off, 
the  bridegroom  withdrawing  because  the  full 
amount  of  the  stipulated  dowry  was  not  forth- 
coming, and  after  this  mortification,  Cortes  ob- 
tained permission  to  return  to  Mexico,  travelling 
first  to  Seville,  where  he  was  accorded  a  public 
reception.    His  rapidly  failing  health  made  it 

1  Essai  sur  les  Mceurs,  cap.  147. 


432  Fernando  Cortes 


apparent  that  his  end  was  approaching,  and 
prompted  him  to  withdraw  for  quiet  to  Castel- 
leja  de  la  Cuesta,  a  small  town  near  Seville, 
where  he  died  in  the  house  of  a  magistrate, 
Juan  Rodriguez,  in  the  Calle  Real,  on  the  2d 
of  December,  1547,  attended  by  his  son  Don 
Martin. 

One  of  the  most  notable  things  in  his  last  will 
is  the  mention  of  his  doubts  about  the  right  of 
holding  slaves.  He  admonished  his  eldest  son 
to  look  well  into  the  question,  and  if  it  should 
be  decided  by  competent  opinion  that  the  prac- 
tice was  wrong,  he  must  act  in  accordance  with 
strict  justice;  meanwhile  he  must  give  great 
attention  to  the  welfare  and  education  of  his 
people.  He  left  a  foundation  and  endowment 
fund  for  the  hospital  of  Jesus  (la  Conception) 
in  Mexico,  and  for  a  college  and  monastery  at 
Coyohuacan,  but  the  funds  ran  short  and  only 
the  hospital  was  really  established  according  to 
his  intention.  Masses  were  directed  to  be  said 
at  his  father's  tomb,  and  two  thousand  masses 
were  provided  for  the  souls  of  those  who  had 
fought  with  him  in  the  conquest,  a  provision 
that  cannot  be  considered  in  excess  of  their 
probable  spiritual  necessities. 

In  his  will  it  was  also  provided  that  his  body 
should  be  buried  wherever  he  died  for  a  period 
of  ten  years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time 
it  was  to  be  taken  to  Mexico,  to  be  there 
entombed  in  the  monastery  he  had  founded  in 


The  Death  of  Cortes  433 


Coyohuacan;  his  remains  were  consequently 
first  laid  to  rest  with  fitting  ceremonies  in  the 
family  chapel  of  the  Dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia, 
in  the  Church  of  San  Isidro  at  Seville. 

The  following  epitaph  was  composed  by  his 
son  Martin: 

Padre,  cuya  suerte  impropiamente 
Aqueste  ~bajo  mundo  poseta, 
Valor  que  nuestra  edad  enriqueeia 

Descansa  ahora  en  paz,  eternamente.1 

There  his  body  lay,  until  by  order  of  his  son 
Don  Martin  Cortes,  second  Marques  del  Valle, 
it  was  removed  in  1562  to  Mexico,  but,  contrary 
to  the  provisions  in  the  will,  the  place  of  se- 
pulture was  chosen  in  the  monastery  of  St. 
Francis  in  Texcoco,  where  his  mother  and  one 
of  his  daughters  were  already  buried. 

In  1629  Don  Pedro  Cortes,  fourth  Marques 
del  Valle,  died  in  Mexico,  and  with  his  death 
the  line  of  male  descendants  of  Cortes  came  to 
an  end. 

It  was  decided  between  the  Viceroy,  the  Mar- 
ques de  Serralbo,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico, 
D.  Francisco  Manso  de  Zuniga,  to  transfer  the 
body  of  the  conqueror  to  the  capital  and  bury  it 
with  that  of  his  last  descendant  in  the  Church 
of  St.  Francis. 

An  elaborate  funeral  procession  was  organ- 
ised, which  set  forth  from  the  Cortes  palace 
^Andres  Calvo,  Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico. 

28 


434  Fernando  Cortes 


headed  by  all  the  religious  associations  and  con- 
fraternities, carrying  their  respective  banners, 
after  which  followed  the  civil  tribunals.  Next 
came  the  Archbishop  accompanied  by  the  cathe- 
dral chapter  in  full  canonicals.  The  body  of 
Don  Pedro  Cortes  was  exposed  to  view  in  an 
open  coffin  carried  by  Knights  of  the  Chapter  of 
Santiago,  while  the  coffin  of  his  great  ancestor, 
covered  with  a  black  velvet  pall,  was  borne  by 
the  royal  judges,  escorted  by  standard  bearers 
carrying  a  white  banner  on .  which  were  em- 
broidered the  figures  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  and 
St.  John;  another  displaying  the  royal  arms  of 
Spain  and  a  third  of  black  velvet  showing  the 
arms  of  the  Marques  del  Valle.  Members  of 
the  university  followed,  and  the  procession 
closed  with  the  Viceroy  and  all  his  court  with 
an  escort  of  soldiers  carrying  arms  reversed  and 
banners  trailing.  This  funeral  pageant — prob- 
ably the  most  magnificent  ever  seen  in  the  new 
world — advanced  to  the  accompaniment  of 
muffled  drums  and  solemn  chantings,  halting  at 
six  different  places  for  brief  religious  rites. 

During  more  than  a  century  and  a  half  the 
bones  of  Cortes  were  left  undisturbed,  until  in 
1794  they  were  moved  once  more,  and  this  time 
to  the  hospital  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  which  he 
had  founded  and  endowed  and  in  whose  chapel 
a  tomb  was  prepared  to  receive  the  body, 
which  was  coffined  in  a  crystal  case  riveted  with 
silver  bars.    Would  that  this  change  had  been 


The  Death  of  Cortes  435 


the  last,  and  that  the  pilgrimages  of  this  poor 
body  had  ended  within  the  walls  its  owner's 
piety  had  built. 

During  the  period  of  unrest  that  followed 
immediately  upon  the  establishment  of  Mexican 
independence,  a  design  was  said  to  have  been 
formed  by  some  "patriots"  to  rifle  the  tomb 
and  scatter  the  conqueror's  ashes  to  the  winds, 
of  which  profanation  the  authorities  were  said 
to  be  aware;  but  seem  to  have  been  either  un- 
willing or  unable  to  prevent.  Others  contrived 
to  forestall  the  threatened  violation,  and  from 
1823  the  body  of  Cortes  disappeared.  Senor 
Garcia  Icacbalceta  wrote  to  Mr.  Henry  Harrisse 
upon  the  subject  saying: 

The  place  of  the  present  sepulture  of  Cortes  is 
wrapped  in  mystery.  Don  Lucas  Alaman  has  told 
the  history  of  the  remains  of  this  great  man.  With- 
out positively  saying  so,  he  lets  it  be  understood 
that  they  were  taken  to  Italy. 

It  is  generally  believed  that  the  bones  of  Cortes 
are  in  Palermo.  But  some  persons  insist  that  they 
are  still  in  Mexico,  hidden  in  some  place  absolutely 
unknown.  Notwithstanding  the  friendship  with 
which  Senor  Alaman  has  honoured  me,  I  never  could 
obtain  from  him  a  positive  explanation;  he  would 
always  find  some  pretext  to  change  the  conversation. 

Senor  Alaman's  description  of  what  occurred 
in  1823  is  substantially  as  follows: 

Early  in  the  year  1822  discussions  began  in 


436  Fernando  Cortes 


the  Mexican  Congress,  in  which  the  project 
of  destroying  the  monument  in  the  hospital  (of 
Jesus)  chapel  was  mooted;  in  the  month  of 
August  of  that  year,  Father  Mier,  in  the  hope 
of  forestalling  the  intended  desecration,  pro- 
posed that  the  monument  should  be  transferred 
to  the  National  Museum.  The  following  year, 
1823,  was  marked  by  the  transport  to  the  capi- 
tal of  the  remains  of  the  patriots  who  had 
proclaimed  the  independence  of  1810,  and  cer- 
tain newspapers  published  violent  articles,  in- 
citing the  people  to  celebrate  this  event  by  rifling 
the  tomb  of  the  conqueror,  and  burning  his 
body  at  St.  Lazaro.  Fearing  the  execution  of 
this  threat,  which  would  have  left  an  indelible 
stain  on  the  national  honour,  the  Vicar-General 
directed  the  chaplain  of  the  hospital  to  conceal 
the  body  in  a  secure  place,  and  both  Senor 
Alaman  himself  and  Count  Fernando  Lucchesi, 
who  represented  the  Duke  of  Terranova's  in- 
terests in  Mexico  at  that  time,  assisted  at  the 
temporary  hiding  away  of  the  remains  under 
the  steps  of  the  altar.  The  bust  and  arms  of 
gilded  bronze  were  sent  to  the  Duke  of  Terra- 
nova  in  Palermo,  and  the  dismantled  monument 
remained  in  the  chapel  until  1833,  when  it  also 
disappeared.1 

Thus  far  Senor  Alaman  is  as  explicit  as  pos- 
sible, but  concerning  the  final  resting  place  of 

1  Alaman,  Dissertazione  v.  Italian  translation  by  Pelaez, 
1859. 


The  Death  of  Cortes  43  7 


the  body  lie  says  nothing  whatever  on  his  own 
account,  closing  the  subject  by  introducing  a 
quotation  from  Dr.  Mora  (who,  he  says,  was 
the  first  to  publish  these  facts),  which  states 
that  "  afterwards  the  remains  were  sent  to  his 
family/' 

In  the  collaborated  work  published  under  the 
special  direction  of  Don  Vincente  Riva  Palacio, 
entitled  Mexico  a  Traves  los  Siglos,  it  is  stated 
in  a  note  on  page  353  of  the  second  volume 
that  the  remains  were  sent  to  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
teleone  in  Italy  in  1823  ("  fueren  rimitidos  a 
Italia  a  la  casa  de  los  Duques  de  Monteleone"). 
In  the  chapters  of  the  fourth  volume,  which 
chronicle  the  events  of  the  year  1823,  no  men- 
tion is  made  of  this  occurrence,  which  it  would 
surely  seem  was  of  sufficient  importance  to 
merit  notice. 

If  the  remains  of  the  conqueror  were  taken 
to  Palermo  or  consigned  to  the  family  of  the 
Dukes  of  Monteleone,  there  is  no  record  of  the 
transaction,  nor  is  any  tradition  of  it  known, 
even  by  hearsay,  to  the  present  members  of  the 
family,  or  to  the  keepers  of  the  family  archives. 

Not  the  least  of  the  glories  of  the  Pignatelli 
family,  which  has  kept  its  place  among  the  fore- 
most of  Sicily  and  Naples,  is  their  descent  from 
the  Spanish  conqueror  of  Mexico,  and  it  seems 
inadmissible  that  the  body  of  this  illustrious 
ancestor  should  arrive  at  Palermo  as  recently 
as  1823,  be  buried  nobody  knows  where,  and  no 


43 8  Fernando  Cortes 


record  of  any  sort  be  kept  of  such  an  important 
and  interesting  event  in  the  annals  of  the  family. 
The  absence,  therefore,  of  any  record,  or  even 
oral  tradition,  of  such  an  event  seems  to  be  at 
least  a  negative  proof  that  it  never  took  place. 
It  is  quite  thinkable  that  the  custodians  of  the 
hospital  chapel,  where  the  body  lay  in  1823, 
should  have  invented  and  circulated  the  fiction 
of  its  transport  out  of  the  country  to  convince 
the  intending  desecrators  that  it  had  been  put 
beyond  their  reach;  meanwhile  it  was  easy  to 
hide  the  coffin  in  some  secret  place,  doubtless 
within  the  walls  of  the  hospital  itself,  where  it 
may  still  lie  in  a  forgotten  grave.  The  legend 
of  the  transport  to  Italy  and  the  burial  in  Pa- 
lermo being  thus  started  and  doubtless  dili- 
gently spread  with  a  purpose,  encountered  no 
contradiction,  and,  with  the  death  of  the  neces- 
sarily few  persons  who  possessed  the  secret,  all 
knowledge  of  the  facts  was  lost,  while  the  in- 
vention passed  from  legend  into  history,  and 
has  been  commonly  accepted  and  quoted. 

The  Republic  of  Mexico  has  emerged  from  its 
period  of  infancy,  and  has  successfully  survived 
the  trials,  and  perilous  struggles,  which  all  new 
nations  must  traverse  to  reach  the  state  of  per- 
manent and  prosperous  peace,  indispensable  to 
national  greatness.  The  four  hundredth  anniver- 
sary of  the  discovery  and  conquest,  which  looms 
in  sight,  will  find  her  in  the  foremost  ranks  of 
the  republics  of  the  New  World,  and  these  great 


The  Death  of  Cortes  439 


events  will  doubtless  be  commemorated  by  be- 
coming celebrations,  which  shall  suitably  revive 
the  memory  of  the  great  conqueror,  and  his 
intrepid  allies  of  Tlascala.  If  there  be  any  clue 
or  trace  by  which  the  body  of  Cortes  can  be 
found,  it  should  be  diligently  followed  up,  until 
the  remains  are  recovered  and  restored  to  the 
place  of  honour  in  the  national  pantheon. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


THE  MAN 


Appearance  and  Habits  of  Cortes — Comparison  with 
Caesar — His  Piety — Alleged  Cruelty — His  Morals — 
Judgment  of  Slavery — Conclusion 


ERNANDO  CORTES  was  a  man  of  medium 


1  height,  deep  chested  and  slender  limbed; 
his  complexion  was  rather  pale,  and  his  expres- 
sion was  serious — even  sad,  though  the  glance 
of  his  eyes,  which  in  repose  were  impenetrable, 
could  be  kindly  and  responsive.  His  hair  and 
beard  were  dark  and  rather  scanty. 

Trained  from  his  youth  to  the  exercise  of 
arms,  he  was  a  most  dexterous  swordsman,  very 
light  on  his  feet,  and  at  home  in  the  saddle. 

His  speech  was  calm,  nor  did  he  ever  use 
oaths  or  strong  language,  nor  give  way  to  ex- 
hibitions of  temper,  though  a  mounting  flush 
and  the  swelling  veins  of  his  forehead  betrayed 
his  mastered  passion,  when  he  was  vexed,  while 
a  characteristic  gesture  of  annoyance  or  im- 
patience was  the  casting  aside  of  his  cloak. 

He  dressed  with  exquisite  care  and  great 
sobriety,  eschewing  any  excess  of  ornament. 
One  splendid  jewel  adorned  his  hand,  a  gold 
medal  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  with  St.  John  on 
the  reverse,  hung  from  a  finely  wrought  gold 


CORTES  AND  HIS  ARWS 

FROM  VEGA'S  "CORTES  VALEROSO"  (l588) 


The  Man  44 1 

chain  around  his  neck,  and  just  under  the 
feathers  of  his  cap  was  also  a  gold  medal ;  these 
were  his  only  ornaments.  He  had  some  know- 
ledge of  Latin,  and  many  of  the  psalms,  hymns, 
and  parts  of  the  Church  liturgy,  which  he  knew 
by  heart,  he  was  fond  of  reciting. 

Though  careless  of  his  food,  he  was  a  great 
eater,  but  moderate  in  drinking  and  no  one 
could  better  withstand  privations  than  he,  as 
was  constantly  shown  on  his  long  marches. 
His  chief  relaxation  was  games  of  chance,  in 
which  he  indulged  habitually,  but  dispassion- 
ately, making  either  his  winnings  or  losses  a 
subject  for  jokes  and  laughter.  When  strict 
laws  were  enacted  suppressing  gambling  in 
Mexico,  his  enemies  alleged  that  he  himself 
violated  the  law,  and  that  the  tables  and  cards 
were  always  ready  in  his  own  house. 

The  absence,  or  control  of  impulse  in  Cortes 
saved  him  from  many  a  disaster  which  daring 
alone  would  have  brought  upon  a  leader  of 
equal  boldness  but  less  wisdom,  placed  as  he 
was.  Perhaps  the  most  supremely  audacious 
act  which  history  records  is  the  seizure  of  Mon- 
tezuma in  the  midst  of  his  own  court,  and  his 
conveyance  to  the  Spanish  quarters;  an  under- 
taking so  stupefying  in  its  conception  and  so 
incredible  in  its  execution  that  only  the  multi- 
tude and  unanimity  of  testimony  serve  to  re- 
move it  from  the  sphere  of  fable  into  that  of 
history.    This,  however,  was  not  an  act  of  mere 


442  Fernando  Cortes 


daring,  but,  as  he  explains  to  the  Emperor  in  his 
second  letter,  a  measure  of  carefully  pondered 
policy. 

The  strength,  also,  of  his  position  invariably 
lay  in  the  identity  of  his  ambitions  with  the 
interests  of  the  crown;  he  was  always  right. 
By  no  other  conceivable  policy  could  he  have 
accomplished  what  he  did.  The  men  whom 
Velasquez,  in  his  helpless  rage,  sent  to  super- 
sede or  overthrow  him,  were  mere  playthings 
for  his  far-seeing  statecraft  and  his  overpower- 
ing will.  The  story  of  these  events  appears  in 
all  its  wonderful  simplicity  and  astounding 
significance,  told  in  his  own  words  in  his 
letters  to  Charles  V.,  which  have  been  compared 
with  the  Commentaries  of  Caesar  on  his 
campaigns  in  Gaul,  without  suffering  by  the 
comparison. 

Gaul,  when  overrun  and  conquered  by  Julius 
Csesar,  possessed  no  such  political  organisation 
as  did  the  Aztec  Empire  when  it  was  subdued 
by  Cortes.  There  were  neither  cities  comparable 
with  Tlascala  and  Cholula,  nor  was  there  any 
central  military  organisation  corresponding  to 
the  triple  alliance  of  Tenochtitlan,  Texcoco,  and 
Tlacopan,  with  their  vast  dependencies,  from 
which  countless  hordes  of  warriors  were  drawn. 
On  the  other  hand,  while  Csesar  led  the  flower 
of  the  Eoman  legions,  Cortes  captained  a  mixed 
band  of  a  few  hundred  men,  ill-trained,  undis- 
ciplined, indifferent  to  schemes  of  conquest  and 


The  Man 


443 


bent  only  on  their  own  individual  aggrandise- 
ment; of  whom  many  were  also  disaffected 
towards  the  commanders  and  required  alter- 
nate cajoling  and  threats  to  hold  them  in  hand. 
The  very  men  who  were  sent  under  Narvaez  to 
depose  him  and  bring  him  back  in  chains  to 
Cuba,  deserted  their  commander  and  remained 
in  Mexico,  fighting  under  his  victorious  banner. 
The  mission  of  Cristobal  de  Tapia  and  its  in- 
glorious failure  illustrate  the  deplorable  conflict 
of  authorities  which  rendered  the  Spanish  colo- 
nial administration  of  that  time  almost  farcical. 
The  confusion  and  uncertainty  prevailing  in  the 
direction  of  colonial  affairs  left  many  loop- 
holes of  escape  for  all  who  wished  to  disregard 
unpalatable  orders. 

The  foundations  of  a  liberal  and  indepen- 
dent colonial  administration  already  existed  in 
Mexico,  on  which  a  stable  system  of  govern- 
ment might  have  been  built  up,  but  unfortu- 
nately these  principles,  which  were  better  known 
to  Spaniards  in  that  century  than  to  any  other 
continental  people,  were  in  their  decadence. 
Under  Charles  V.,  began  the  disintegration  of 
the  people's  liberties,  which  affected  likewise 
the  government  of  all  the  dependencies,  and  the 
system  of  rule  by  Viceroys  and  a  horde  of  ra- 
pacious bureaucrats  was  initiated,  which  lasted 
in  Latin-America  until  the  last  Spanish  colony 
disappeared  with  the  proclamation  of  Cuba's 
independence. 


444  Fernando  Cortes 


Cortes  was  a  man  of  unfeigned  piety,  of  the 
stuff  of  which  martyrs  are  made;  nor  did  his 
conviction  that  he  was  leading  a  holy  crusade 
to  win  lost  souls  to  salvation  ever  waver.  He 
says  in  his  Ordenanzas  at  Tlascala  that,  were 
the  war  carried  on  for  any  other  motive  than 
to  overthrow  idolatry  and  to  secure  the  salvation 
of  so  many  souls  by  converting  the  Indians  to 
the  holy  faith,  it  would  be  unjust  and  obnoxious, 
nor  would  the  Emperor  be  justified  in  reward- 
ing those  who  took  part  in  it. 

Among  other  ordinances  governing  the  moral 
and  religious  welfare  of  the  people  in  Mexico 
after  the  conquest,  was  one  which  prescribed, 
under  pain  of  stripes,  attendance  at  the  instruc- 
tions in  Christian  doctrine,  given  on  Sundays 
and  feast  days.  The  Jesuit  historian  Cavo 1 
says  that  on  one  occasion,  when  Cortes  had  him- 
self been  absent,  he  was  reprimanded  from 
the  pulpit  on  the  following  Sunday,  and,  to  the 
stupefaction  of  the  Indians,  submitted  to  the 
prescribed  flogging  in  public.  He  resembled 
the  publican  who  struck  his  breast  and  invoked 
mercy  for  his  sins,  rather  than  the  Pharisee 
who  found  his  chief  cause  for  thankfulness  in 
the  contemplation  of  his  own  superior  virtues. 
Prescott  was  uncertain  whether  this  submission 
to  a  public  whipping  should  be  attributed  to 
"  bigotry "  or  to  "  policy."  It  seems  to  have 
been  first  of  all  an  act  of  simple  consistency, 

1  Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico,  torn,  i.,  p.  151. 


The  Man 


445 


by  which  the  commander  sanctioned  the  law  he 
had  himself  established.  Precept  is  ever  plenti- 
ful but  example  is  the  better  teacher,  and  a  more 
striking  and  unforgetable  example  of  the  equal- 
ity of  all  under  the  law,  it  would  indeed  be 
difficult  to  find  in  history. 

His  religious  zeal  was  sometimes  intemperate, 
nor  was  it  always  guided  by  prudence,  but  he 
usually  showed  wisdom  in  submitting  to  the  re- 
straining influence  of  some  handy  friar,  whose 
saner  and  more  persuasive  methods  promised 
surer  results  than  his  own  strenuous  system  of 
conversion  would  have  secured.  The  restraints 
the  commander  placed  on  the  license  of  his 
soldiers  might  well  have  been  prompted  by  his 
policy  of  winning  the  friendly  confidence  of  the 
Indians,  but  his  measures  for  repressing  pro- 
fanity of  every  sort,  gambling  and  other  camp 
vices,  and  his  insistence  upon  daily  mass,  prayer 
before,  and  thanksgivings  after  battle,  are  trace- 
able to  no  such  motive,  and  it  is  more  than 
once  recorded  that  the  Indians  were  profoundly 
impressed  by  the  decorous  solemnity  of  the 
religious  ceremonies  they  witnessed  and  the 
devotion  shown  by  the  Spaniards. 

Shortcomings  in  the  practice  of  the  moral 
precepts  of  religion,  either  in  that  century  or 
in  this,  are  not  confined  to  men  who  find  them- 
selves cut  adrift  from  the  usual  restraints  of 
civilised  society,  isolated  and  paramount  amidst 
barbarians,  whose  inferior  moral  standard  pro- 


446  Fernando  Cortes 


vides  constant  and  easy  temptations  to  lapse; 
and,  while  it  were  as  difficult  as  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  attempt  a  defence  of  tlie  excesses  which 
the  Spaniards  undoubtedly  committed  in  Mex- 
ico, it  is  equally  impossible  to  condemn  them 
as  exceptional.  Prescott  acquits  Cortes  of  the 
imputation  of  insincerity,  and  declares  that  no 
one  who  reads  his  correspondence,  or  studies 
the  events  of  his  career,  can  doubt  that  he 
would  have  been  the  first  to  lay  down  his  life 
for  the  faith. 

To  the  scoffing  philosopher  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  these  crusading  buccaneers  in  whose 
characters  the  mystic  and  the  sensualist  fought 
.for  the  mastery  seemed  but  knaves,  clumsily 
masquerading  as  fools.  The  fierce  piety,  which 
furnished  entertainment  to  the  age  of  Voltaire, 
somewhat  puzzles  our  own.  Expeditions  now 
set  forth  into  dark  continents  unburdened  with 
professions  of  concern  for  the  spiritual  or 
moral  welfare  of  the  natives.  Indeed,  nothing 
is  deemed  more  foolish  than  attempts  to  inter- 
fere with  the  religious  beliefs  and  practices  of 
barbarians,  and  the  commander  in  our  times 
who  would  overturn  an  idol  merely  to  set  up  a 
wooden  cross,  thereby  exposing  his  followers  to 
the  risk  of  being  massacred,  would  be  court- 
martialled  and  degraded,  if,  indeed,  he  ventured 
to  return  to  civilisation. 

The  accusation  of  cruelty,  too  lightly  brought 
against  Cortes,  has  been  diligently  propagated 


The  Man 


447 


by  the  interested  and  complacently  accepted 
by  the  indiscriminating,  until  dissent  from  it 
awakens  incredulous  surprise.  Nevertheless,  all 
that  can  be  learned  of  his  character  proves  that 
he  was  not  by  nature  cruel,  nor  did  he  take 
wanton  pleasure  in  the  sufferings  of  others. 
Conciliation  and  coercion  were  both  amongst 
his  weapons,  his  natural  preference  being  for 
the  former,  as  is  seen  by  his  never  once  failing, 
in  his  dealings  with  the  Indians,  to  exhaust 
peaceful  methods  before  resorting  to  force.  The 
secret  of  carrying  on  a  war  of  conquest  merci- 
fully has  not  yet  been  discovered,  and  recent 
reports  from  Africa  and  the  Philippines  do  not 
show  much  advance  on  the  policy  of  the  Span- 
iards in  Mexico  four  hundred  years  ago,  though 
it  cannot  be  pretended  that  our  modern  expedi- 
tions are  attended  by  the  perils,  known,  and 
most  of  all  unknown,  which  awaited  the  igno- 
rant adventurers  in  the  New  World  at  every 
turn. 

There  were  three  ends  which,  according  to 
the  ethics  of  Cortes,  justified  any  measures  for 
their  accomplishment,  1st,  the  spread  of  the 
taith,  2d,  the  subjugation  of  the  Indians  to 
Spanish  rule,  and  3d,  the  possession  of  their 
treasures;  and  as  the  narrative  of  the  conquest 
unfolds  itself,  it  is  seen  that  his  resolution 
stopped  at  nothing  for  the  achievement  of  these 
ends.  But  there  is  no  instance  of  tortures  and 
suffering  being   treated  by  him  as  a  sport. 


448  Fernando  Cortes 


Whether  he  might  not  have  accomplished  all  he 
did  with  less  bloodshed,  is  a  purely  speculative 
question.  Acosta  1  states  that  so  entirely  were 
the  Mexicans  imbued  with  the  belief  that 
the  Spaniards  came  in  fulfilment  of  the  pro- 
phecy of  their  most  beneficent  deity,  Quetzalcoatl, 
that  Montezuma  would  have  abdicated  and  the 
whole  empire  have  passed  into  their  hands  with- 
out a  struggle,  had  Cortes  but  comprehended 
the  force  of  the  prevailing  superstition  and  met 
the  popular  expectation  by  rising  consistently 
to  his  role  of  demigod.  There  are  facts  which 
tend  to  lend  weight  to  this  argument,  and  had 
Cortes  but  realised  the  possibilities,  he  might 
have  been  equal  to  the  part,  though  his  fol- 
lowers fell  so  lamentably  short  that  it  is  doubt- 
ful if  the  illusion  could  have  been  long  sustained. 
As  it  was,  the  awful  tragedy  of  the  Sorrowful 
'Night?  and  the  downfall,  amidst  bloodshed  and 
suffering  unspeakable,  of  Mexico,  was  precipi- 
tated by  the  brutal  folly  of  Alvarado, — not  of 
Cortes.2 

In  his  relations  with  women,  Cortes  reveals  a 
primitive,  polygamous  temperament.  Even  at 
the  age  of  sixteen  in  his  native  Medellin,  we 
find  him  falling  from  a  wall  and  all  but  losing 
his  life  in  an  amorous  adventure  with  an  anony- 

1  Historia  de  las  Indias,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xxv. 

2  One  of  the  greatest  blunders  of  judgment  recorded  of 
Cortes,  is  his  selection  of  the  impetuous  Alvarado  for 
such  a  delicate  command. 


The  Man 


449 


mous  fair  one,  and  throughout  his  life  these 
intrigues  succeeded  one  another  unbrokenly; 
but  his  loves  were  so  entirely  things  "  of  his 
life  apart/'  that  their  influence  upon  his  mo- 
tives  or  his  actions  is  never  discernible.  He 
belonged  to  the  type  of  universal  lover  on  whom 
women  exert  no  influence.  In  Cuba  his  role  of 
Don  Juan  brought  him  into  a  conflict  with  the 
Governor,  which  was  the  origin  of  their  life- 
long duel  for  supremacy  in  the  colonies.  But 
Catalina  Xuarez,  about  whom  the  trouble  first 
began,  is  quickly  lost  sight  of;  she  passes  like 
a  pale  shade  across  that  epoch  of  her  husband's 
existence  and  is  never  heard  of  again,  until  her 
uninvited  presence  in  Mexico,  followed  quickly 
by  her  unlamented  death,  is  briefly  mentioned. 
The  most  important  woman  in  his  life  was  his 
Indian  interpreter,  Marina,  and  some  writers 
have  sought  to  weave  a  romance  into  the  story 
of  their  relations,  for  which  there  seems,  upon 
examination,  to  be  little  enough  substantial  ma- 
terial. During  the  period  when  she  was  indis- 
pensable to  the  business  in  hand,  she  was  never 
separated  from  Cortes,  but  we  know  that  he 
was  not  faithful  to  her  even  then,  while,  as  soon 
as  she  ceased  to  be  necessary,  she  was  got  rid 
of  as  easily  as  she  had  been  acquired. 

Montezuma  gave  him  his  daughter,  who  first 
received  Christian  baptism  to  render  her  worthy 
of  the  commander's  companionship  and  was 
known  as  Dona  Ana.    She  lived  openly  with 
29 


45°  Fernando  Cortes 


Cortes  in  his  quarters,  and  had  her  two  sisters, 
Inez  and  Elvira  with  her,  and  a  sister  of  the 
King  of  Texeoco  who  was  called  Dona  Fran- 
cisca.  Dona  Ana  was  killed  during  the  retreat 
on  the  Sorrowful  Night,  and  was  pregnant  at  the 
time.  A  fourth  daughter  of  the  Emperor,  Dona 
Isabel,  married  Alonso  de  Grado,  who  shortly 
afterwards  died,  when  she  also  passed  into  the 
household  of  the  conqueror,  to  whom  she  bore 
a  daughter.1  According  to  Juan  Tirado,  two  of 
Montezuma's  daughters  bore  sons  to  Cortes,  and 
one  bore  a  daughter.2 

In  his  last  will,  Cortes  mentions  another 
natural  daughter,  whose  mother  was  Leonor 
Pizarro,  who  afterwards  married  Juan  de 
Saucedo. 

It  is  thus  positively  known  that  besides  Ma- 
rina there  were  four  other  ladies  who  shared 
in  his  affections  during  this  period  of  the 
conquest,  and  meanwhile  his  first  wife  Catalina 
Xuarez  la  Marcaida  was  alive  in  Cuba.  These 
undisguised  philanderings  must  have  somewhat 
blighted  Marina's  romance. 

His  marriage  with  Dona  Juana  de  Zuniga 
took  place  when  he  was  at  the  zenith  of  his 
fame.  The  advantages  such  an  alliance  with  a 
noble  and  powerful  family  of  Castile  seemed  to 

1  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  cvii. ;  Bernaldino  Vasquez  de  Tapia, 
torn,  ii.,  pp.  244,  305-306;  Gonzalo  Mejia,  torn,  ii.,  pp. 
240-241. 

2  Orozco  y  Berra,  Conquisto  de  Mexico,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  vi., 
note. 


The  Man 


4Si 


promise,  though  many,  were  perhaps  not  as  tan- 
gible as  the  ambitious  conqueror  had  hoped. 
The  marriage  was  negotiated  before  he  and  the 
lady  had  met,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  less  happy  for  this  conformity  to  a  cus- 
tom which  at  that  time  was  universal  in  noble 
families.  Dona  Juana  could  have  seen  but  little 
of  her  restless  husband,  who  was  perpetually 
engaged  elsewhere,  but  she  was  a  good  wife 
and  loved  him,  just  as  did  Catalina  Xuarez  and 
all  his  mistresses,  while  his  uxorious  instincts 
made  it  easy  for  him  to  be  equally  happy  with 
each  of  them.  He  was  affectionate  and  tender, 
devoted  to  all  of  his  children,  distinguishing  but 
little  between  his  legitimate  and  his  natural  off- 
spring in  a  truly  patriachal  fashion.  For  the 
latter  he  secured  Bulls  of  legitimacy  from  the 
Pope,  and  provided  generously  in  his  will.  Not 
less  strong  was  his  filial  piety,  and  among  the 
first  treasure  sent  to  Spain,  there  went  gifts  to 
his  father  and  mother  in  Medellin,  and,  after 
his  father's  death,  he  brought  his  mother  to 
Mexico  where  she  died  and  was  buried  in  the 
vault  at  Texcoco,  where  his  own  body  was 
afterwards  laid. 

His  undertakings  subsequent  to  the  fall  of 
Mexico  called  for  the  exercise  of  qualities 
hardly  less  remarkable,  though  of  a  different 
order,  and  it  was  absence  of  productive  success 
which  has  caused  them  to  be  overlooked  in  a 
world  where  results  count  for  more  than  effort. 


452  Fernando  Cortes 


It  was  never  the  policy  of  the  Spanish  crown 
to  entrust  the  government  of  dependencies  to 
their  discoverers  or  conquerors,  and  when  power- 
ful friends  at  court  sought  in  1529  to  prevail 
upon  Charles  V.  to  grant  Cortes  supreme 
power  in  Mexico,  under  the  crown,  his  Majesty 
was  not  to  be  persuaded;  and  in  refusing  he 
pointed  out  that  his  royal  predecessors  had 
never  done  this,  even  in  the  case  of  Columbus, 
or  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordoba,  the  conqueror  of 
Naples.  Had  it  been  possible,  however,  for  the 
Emperor  to  free  himself  from  the  suspicions 
fomented  by  the  persistent  intrigues  of  the 
enemies  of  Cortes,  especially  from  the  jealous 
fear  of  a  possible  aspiration  to  independent 
sovereignty,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  wisest 
thing,  both  for  Mexico  and  for  the  royal  inter- 
ests, would  have  been  the  installation  of  Cortes 
in  as  independent  a  vice-royalty  as  was  com- 
patible with  the  maintenance  of  the  royal  su- 
premacy. While  Cortes,  in  common  with  all 
his  kind,  loved  gold,  he  was  not  a  mere  vulgar 
plunderer,  seeking  to  hastily  enrich  himself,  at 
no  matter  what  cost  to  the  country,  in  order  to 
retire  to  a  life  of  luxury  in  Spain.  Moreover, 
even  granting  that  he  had  started  with  no  larger 
purpose,  it  is  plain  that  he  was  himself  at  the 
outset  unconscious,  both  of  his  own  powers  and 
of  the  strange  drama  about  to  unfold,  in  which 
destiny  reserved  him  the  first  part.  By  the 
time  the  conquest  was  completed,  his  know- 


The  Man 


453 


ledge  of  the  possibilities  of  Mexico  had  so 
expanded,  that  his  views  on  all  questions 
connected  with  the  occupation,  the  government, 
and  the  future  welfare  of  the  country  had  de- 
veloped from  the  hazardous  schemes  of  a 
mere  adventurer  into  the  matured  policy  of 
a  statesman.  The  constantly  revived  accusa- 
tion of  aspiring  to  independent  sovereignty 
was  a  myth,  for  the  Emperor  had  no  more 
faithful  subject  than  Cortes,  in  whom  the  dual 
mainsprings  of  action  were  religion  and 
loyalty. 

His  better  judgment  condemned  the  system  of 
encomiendas  and  only  admitted  slavery  as  a 
form  of  punishment  for  the  crime  of  rebellion, 
even  then  to  be  mitigated  by  every  possible  safe- 
guard. Far  from  driving  the  natives  from  their 
homes  or  wishing  to  deport  them  to  the  islands, 
he  used  every  inducement  to  encourage  them  to 
remain  in  their  towns,  to  rebuild  their  cities, 
and  resume  their  industries,  realising  full  well 
that  the  true  strength  of  government,  as  wrell 
as  the  surest  source  of  revenue,  lay  in  a  pacific 
and  busy  population.  To  this  end  he  adopted 
the  system  of  restoring  or  maintaining  the  na- 
tive chiefs  in  their  jurisdiction  and  dignity,  im- 
posing upon  them  the  obligation  of  ruling  their 
tribes, — and  persuading  those  who  had  been 
frightened  away  to  the  mountains  to  return  to 
their  villages.  The  exceptions  to  this  policy 
were  in  the  cases  of  certain  rebellious  princes, 


454  Fernando  Cortes 


whom  he  considered  powerful  enough  to  be 
dangerous. 

That  he  understood  the  Indians  and  had 
a  kindly  feeling  for  them,  is  proven  many  times 
over,  while  the  proofs  of  their  affection  for  him 
are  even  more  numerous.  Malintzin  was  a  name 
to  conjure  with  amongst  them,  and  while  familiar 
relations  with  most  of  the  other  Spaniards  speed- 
ily bred  contempt,  their  attachment  to  Cortes  in- 
creased as  time  went  on.  The  iron  policy  which 
used  massacres,  torture,  and  slavery  for  its  in- 
struments of  conquest  did  not  revolt  the  In- 
dians, since  it  presented  no  contrast  to  the  usage 
common  among  themselves  in  time  of  war;  vce 
victis  comprised  the  ethics  of  native  kings  who, 
in  addition  to  wars  for  aggrandisement  of  terri- 
tory and  increase  of  glory,  also  waged  them 
solely  to  obtain  victims  for  the  sacrificial  altars 
of  their  gods.  This  ghastly  levy  ceased  with  the 
introduction  of  Malintzin's  religion,  and  he 
brought  no  hitherto  unfamiliar  horror  as  a 
substitute  for  it. 

Except  the  independent  Tlascalans,  all  the 
other  peoples  of  Anahuac  were  held  in  stern 
subjection  by  the  Aztec  Emperor;  heavy  taxes 
were  collected  from  them,  human  life  was  with- 
out value,  torture  was  in  common  use;  their 
sons  were  seized  for  sacrifice,  their  daughters 
replenished  the  harems  of  the  confederated 
kings  and  great  nobles,  so  that  Cortes  was  wel- 
comed as  the  liberator  of  subject  peoples,  the 


The  Man 


455 


redresser  of  wrongs.  He  had  procured  them 
the  sweets  of  a  long  nourished,  but  despaired  of, 
vengeance,  and,  though  it  was  but  the  exchange 
of  one  master  for  another,  they  tasted  the  satis- 
faction of  having  squared  some  old  scores  with 
their  oppressors.  The  conquest  completed,  Cor- 
tes bent  all  his  efforts  to  creating  systems  of 
government  under  which  the  different  peoples 
might  live  and  prosper  in  common  security,  and, 
with  the  disappearance  of  the  need  for  them,  the 
harsher  methods  also  vanished.  Few  of  his 
cherished  intentions  were  realised,  however,  and 
the  power  which  would  have  enabled  him  to 
bring  his  wiser  plans  to  fruition  was  denied 
him. 

The  fruits  of  conquest  are  bitterness  of  spirit 
and  disappointment,  though  Cortes  fared  better 
than  his  great  contemporaries  Columbus,  Bal- 
boa, and  Pizarro,  who,  after  discovering  con- 
tinents and  oceans  and  subduing  empires,  were 
requited  with  chains,  the  scaffold,  and  the  trai- 
tor's dagger.  True,  he  saw  himself  defrauded 
of  his  deserts,  while  royal  promises  were  found 
to  be  elastic ;  and  in  his  last  years  he  was  even 
treated  as  an  importunate  suppliant,  being  ex- 
cluded from  the  presence  of  the  sovereign  to 
whose  crown  he  had  given  an  empire. 

Lesser  men  would  have  been  content  with  the 
world-wide  fame,  the  great  title  and  vast  estates 
to  which,  from  modest  beginnings,  Cortes  had 
risen  in  a  few  brief  years,  but  a  lesser  man 


456  Fernando  Cortes 


would  never  have  accomplished  such  vast  un- 
dertakings, and  it  was  his  curse  that  his  am- 
bition kept  pace  with  his  achievements.  From 
the  fall  of  Mexico  until  his  death,  his  life  was 
a  series  of  disappointments,  unfulfilled  am- 
bitions, and  petty  miseries,  due  to  the  malice 
of  rivals  and.  the  faithlessness  of  friends,  re- 
lieved only  by  some  brief  periods  of  splendid 
triumph,  illumined  by  royal  favour. 

In  reviewing  his  career,  the  quality  that  most 
conspicuously  shines  forth  and  most  impera- 
tively commands  our  unqualified  admiration  is 
his  genius  for  leadership.  With  inadequate 
means,  he  undertook  and  successfully  accom- 
plished one  of  the  greatest  military  enterprises 
of  which  we  have  knowledge.  If  we  but  con- 
sider the  inharmonious  elements  composing  his 
forces,  we  may  in  some  measure  realise  the  im- 
mense and  resistless  power  of  his  gift  of  com- 
mand over  others.  To  the  motley  collection  of 
gentlemen  adventurers,  gold-seekers,  piratical 
sailors,  and  amnestied  criminals  who  composed 
his  force,  he  added  hordes  of  savage  allies  drawn 
from  tribes  divided  by  generations  of  blood-feud, 
and  it  was  over  such  warring  elements  that  he 
exercised  a  masterful  leadership  in  which  he 
blended  astute  elasticity  with  inflexible  firmness. 
Bravery,  constancy,  and  patience  are  numbered 
among  his  virtues;  an  opportunist  in  veracity, 
he  was  neither  more  nor  less  unscrupulous  in 
his  statecraft  than  were  the  opponents  whom 


ARMOUR  OF  CORTES 

AFTER  AN  ENGRAVING,  FROM  THE  ORIGINAL  IN  THE  MUSEUM  AT  MADRID 


The  Man 


457 


he  encountered  and  defeated  in  the  game  of 
diplomacy. 

Great  feats  of  arms  are  only  accomplished 
at  the  cost  of  infinite  suffering  and  much  blood- 
shed, involving  whole  nations,  and  the  fame 
of  military  heroes  is  commensurate  with  the 
magnitude  of  the  devastation  they  accomplish. 
It  is,  therefore,  within  the  boundaries  of  per- 
missible evil  that  we  must  keep,  in  judging 
these  scourges  of  humanity  who,  from  time  to 
time,  discharge  their  mysterious  mission  amidst 
the  tears  and  lamentations  of  the  innocent,  upon 
whom  the  horrors  of  war  fall  most  heavily. 
Wars  of  invasion,  however  unjust  in  principle 
and  desolating  in  their  effects,  may  be  waged 
by  methods  and  for  ends  that  compel  our  ulti- 
mate approval,  however  much  our  humane  sen- 
timents may  deplore  their  beginnings. 

Judged  by  the  moral  standard  of  his  times, 
the  religious  and  patriotic  motives  that  swayed 
Cortes,  blended  though  they  were  with  personal 
ambition  and  greed,  sanctified  the  end  for  which 
he  fought;  judged  by  the  military  standard  of 
that  age,  he  conducted  his  conquest  by  such 
means  as  the  rules  of  warfare  sanctioned. 
Greatest,  by  far,  of  all  the  Spanish  conquerors 
who  baptised  the  New  World  with  blood,  the 
legend  on  his  emerald  cup  might  well  serve  as 
the  epitaph  of  Fernando  Cortes: 

Inter  natos  mulierum 

Non  surrexit  major.  * 


INDEX 


Acamapatzin    VIII.,  the 

reign  of,  47,  48 
Acolhua,  the  tribe  of,  47 
Acolhuacan,  the  throne  of, 

308;  the  capture  of  the 

capital  of,  311 
Acolman,  the  dispute  at,  343 
Aculhua  Tecutl,  the  title  of, 

208 

Adelantado,  a  royal  ap- 
pointment as,  392 

Adrian,  Cardinal,  the  re- 
gent of  Spain,  333 

Aguilar,  Geronimo  de,  a 
native  of  Encija,  32 

Aguilar,  Marcos  de,  the 
death  of,  416 

Ahuilizapan,  the  delay  at, 
235 

Ahuitzotl,  the  human  sac- 
rifices ordered  by,  212; 
mentioned,  314 

Alaman,  Senor,  the  opinion 
of,  2,  43 

Alaminos,  the  pilot,  69 

Alhornoces,  the  garment 
called,  169 

Albornoz,  Rodrigo  de,  as 
revenue  officer,  402 

Alcantara,  an  hidalgo  of, 
271 


Alderete,  Julian  de,  the 
royal  treasurer,  321 

Altamirano,  Catalina  Piz- 
arro,  the  wife  of  Fer- 
nando Cortes,  41 

Alva,  the  Duke  of,  396 

Alvarado,  Alonso  de,  be- 
comes regidor,  86 

Alvarado,  Jorge  de,  men- 
tioned, 359 

Alvarado,  Pedro  de,  the  cap- 
tain, 17;  the  expedition 
of,  86,  88 

Alvarez,  Juan,  the  pilot,  78 

Amecameca,  the  arrival  at, 
178 

Anacoana,  the  Queen  of,  6 
Anahuac,  the  altars  at,  155, 

212;  the  civilisation  of, 

381 

Anahuacs,  the  nations  of, 
44  ff 

Anales  de  Aragon,  by  Tor- 
res, 2 

Aniguayagua,  the  province 
of,  6 

Apan,  the  halt  at,  283 
Architecture,  the,  of  Mex- 
ico, 52 

Argensola,  the  genealogist,  1 
Aristotle,  the  belief  of,  44 
Arms  of  Charles  V.,  the,  as 
a  battle  standard,  138 


459 


460 


Index 


Astorga,  the   Marquis  of, 

mentioned,  431 
Audiencia,  the,  of  San  Do- 
mingo, 225,  333 
Avila,  Alonso  de,  guards  the 

treasure,  272;  the  mission 

of,  384 
Avila,    Francisco    de,  the 

captain,  17 
Axayacatl,  the  Emperor,  49, 

197;  the  palace  of,  191 
Ayachapichtla,  the  fight  at, 

321 

Ayllon,  Lucas  Vasquez  de, 
the  power  entrusted  to, 
225 

Azcapozalco,  the  town  of, 
319 

Aztec  capital,  the  approach 
to  the,  174  ff 

Aztec  Empire,  the  extent  of, 
43  ff;  civilisation,  47 ;  in- 
stitutions, 58;  the  weak- 
ness of  the,  379 

Aztec  language,  the,  81 

Azua,  the  town  of,  6 

B 

Bacallaos,  the  sea  of  cod- 
fish, 386 

Banderas  River,  the  naming 
of  the,  18 

Baoruca,  the  province  of,  6 

Barbo,  Pedro,  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor, 26;  com- 
mand of,  296;  the  death 
of,  356 

Bautismo  de  Monteuhzoma 
II.,  by  Remirez,  270 


Bejar,  the  Duke  of,  the 
friendship  of,  for  Cortes, 
392,  420 

Benevente,  Padre  Toribio 
de,  399 

Bermudez,  Beatriz,  the  hero- 
ism of,  365 

Berra,  Orozco  y,  the  writ- 
ings of,  35 

Boca  de  Terminos,  the  ex- 
ploration of,  33 

Botello,  Bias,  the  astrologer, 
265 

Bournous,  a  variety  of  man- 
tle, 169 

Brass  in  Mexico,  191 

Brigantines,  plan  to  con- 
struct, on  Lake  Texcoco, 
207;  the  launching  of ,  339 

Bull,  the  papal,  the  provi- 
sions of,  36 

C 

Caballero,  Pedro,  the  cap- 
tain of  the  port,  the  wiles 
of,  296 

Cacamatzin,  the  King,  as  an 
envoy,  179;  the  election 
of,  208;  the  plan  of,  253 

Calle  de  la  Feria,  the  house 
of  Cortes  in,  2 

Calpulalpan,  invitation  to 
Cortes  to  visit,  156 

Caltanmic,  the  lord  of,  121 

Calzada  de  Iztapalapan,  the 
road  known  as  the,  182 

Camargo,  Diego  Munoz,  the 
opinion  of,  270;  the  ex- 
pedition of,  297 


Index 


461 


Camargo,  Munoz,  the  his- 
torian, 154 
Cannon,  the  silver,  396 
Cano,  Juan,  estimate  of  the 

Spanish  losses,  277 
Carbajal,    Dr.,  deposition 

taken  before,  109 
Carta  de  Relation,  the,  of 

the  magistrates,  106 
Carta  de  Relation,  the  2d, 

to  Charles  V.,  298 
Casa   de    Contractacion,  a 

complaint  lodged  with  the, 

108 

Castellano,  the  value  of  the, 
77,  181 

Castellija  de  la  Cuesta,  Cor- 
tes at,  432 

Castillo,  Bernal  Diaz  del, 
the  account  of,  6;  the 
writing  of,  11 

Catalina,  the  daughter  of 
Cortes,  394 

Catapult,  the  trial  of  the, 
367 

Catholic  faith,  the  extent  of, 

in  Mexico,  190 
Catoche,  Cape,  30 
Catoche,  the  battle  at,  16 
Catzolcin,  the  envoys  sent 

to,  385 

Causeways,  the  admirable 
construction  of  the,  50, 
179 

Ceibatris,  the,  36 
Celebration,  the.  after  the 

fall  of  Mexico,  376 
Cempoal,    the    people  of, 

187 

Cempoalla,  the  city  of,  81, 
92 


Cermeno,  Diego,  the  death 
of,  110 

Cervantes,  Alonso  de,  the 

letter  of,  221 
Ceutla,  the  village  of,  37; 

the  battle  of,  38 
Chalchuich,  a  name  given  to 

Cortes,  154 
Chalco,  the  tribe  of,  47;  the 

province,  179 
Chichimeca  period,  the 

length  of  the,  47 
Chichimecas,  the  migrations 

of  the,  47 
Chila,  the  lake  of,  392 
Chimalhuacan-Chalco,  the 

town  of,  324 
Chinampus,  the  floating 

gardens,  179 
Chinantla,  the  Spaniards  in, 

222 

Chirino,  Pero  Armildez,  sent 

as  revenue  officer,  402 
Cholula,  the  city  of,  157, 

159;  the  entry  into,  160; 

the  fate  of,  294 
Cholula  pyramid,  the,  157 
Cholulan    conspiracy,  the, 

155  ff 

Christian  religion,  the  sub- 
stitution of  the,  380 

Churutecal,  the  city  of, 
151 

Cihuacoathicotzin,  the 

herald,  368 
Cisnero,  Cardinal  Ximenez 

de,  20 

Clemencin,  Senor,  the  com- 
putations of,  76 

vCoanacochtzin,  the  King  of 
Texcoco,  310 


462 


Index 


Coatepantli,  the  temple  wall, 
215;  the  wall  of  serpents 
at,  348 

Coatzacoalco  River,  the 
settlement  on  the,  211 

Coatzin,  a  strong  garrison 
under,  325 

Codex  Ramirez,  by  Berra, 
258 

Cofre  del  Perote,  the  ex- 
tinct volcano,  120 

Cohuanacox,  the  King  of 
Texcoco,  after  the  in- 
vasion, 408;  the  death  of, 
411 

Colhua,  the  gold  from,  39 
Colima,  the  expedition  to, 
391 

Columbus,  Don  Diego,  the 
Viceroy  of  the  audiencia, 
6,  333 

Conquest    of    Mexico,  by 

Prescott,  114 
Conquista    de    Mexico,  by 

Berra,  269 
Copalco,  Montezuma's  body 

at,  269 
Copper  in  Mexico,  192 
Cordoba,    Francisco  Her- 

mandez     de,     the  rich 

planter,  15;  the  death  of, 

16;  the  expedition  of,  68 
Cordoba,    Gonzalvo    de,  a 

military  leader,  3 
Coria,   Bernaldino   de,  the 

conspirator,  110 
Corrol,  the  ensign  bearer, 

356 

Cortes,  Don  Martin,  the  son 

of  Fernando  Cortes,  433 
Cortes,   Fernando,  early 


years  of,  1  ff;  takes  a  de- 
gree of  bachelor  of  laws, 
2,  3;  receives  an  enco- 
mienda,  8;  the  marriage 
of,  12;  becomes  alcalde, 
14;  becomes  commander 
of  the  expedition,  21;  the 
disobedience  of,  25  ff; 
first  great  battle  of,  40  ff; 
hailed  as  liberator,  48; 
first  interview  of,  73; 
resigns  from  authority 
granted  by  Velasquez,  86; 
diplomacy  of,  94;  relig- 
ious sincerity  of,  101;  de- 
scribed as  a  rebel,  108; 
foils  Garay,  118;  sup- 
presses dissatisfaction 
among  his  troops,  147; 
religious  zeal  of,  154; 
position  at  Cholula,  167; 
enters  Mexico,  182;  meets 
Montezuma,  184;  the  bar- 
barity of,  206;  in  Mexico, 
220  ff;  attacks  Narvaez, 
239;  second  march  to 
Mexico,  249;  the  forti- 
tude of,  during  the  Sor- 
rowful Night,  278;  after 
the  Sorrowful  Night,  290; 
his  recovery,  292 ;  receives 
welcome  reinforcements, 
298;  breaks  with  his 
friend  Sandoval,  320;  be- 
fore Cuauhnahuac,  325; 
sadness  of,  331;  the  es- 
cape of,  336;  preparation 
for  the  siege,  339;  the 
strategic  ability  of,  345; 
escapes  death  for  a  sec- 
ond time,  361;  leads  an 


Index 


463 


Cortes,  Fernando — 

Continued 
expedition  to  Panuco,  391 ; 
the  extravagance  of,  397; 
the  expedition  through 
Yucatan,  403;  the  plot 
against,  407;  the  illness 
of,  413;  the  return  of,  to 
Spain,  417;  receives  title 
of  Marques  del  Valle  de 
Oaxaca,  421;  the  enemies 
of,  426;  withdraws  to 
Castelleja  de  la  Cuesta, 
432;  death  of,  De- 
cember 2,  1547,  432;  ap- 
pearance and  habits  of, 
440  ff 

Cortes,  Martin,  the  inter- 
vention of,  109 
Cortes,  Monry  y,  the  father 

of  Fernando,  1 
Couriers,  the,  of  Mexico,  55 
Coyohuacon,  the  causeway 

to,  50;  the  town  of,  183; 

the    march    near,  329; 

headquarters  at,  383;  the 

convent  in,  394 
Cozumel,  the  island  of,  17; 

the  coast  at,  299 
Cronica    de   la  Conquista, 

the,  by  Gomara,  10,  23, 

38 

Cruelty,  the  accusation  of, 
brought  against  Cortes, 
446 

Cuauhnahuac,  the  town  of, 
325 

Cuba,    the    conquest  of, 

planned,  6  ff 
Cuernavaca,    the  present 

town  of,  325,  427 


Cuetlachtla,  the  city  of,  62 
Cuetlaxtla,  the  government 
of,  88 

Cuicuitzcatzin,  the  appoint- 
ment of,  209 

Cuitlahuac,  the  beautiful 
lake  of,  67,  179 

Cuitlahuatzin,  the  libera- 
tion of,  253;  becomes 
Emperor,  292 

Cuitlalpitoc,  the  envoy  to 
Pinotl,  62,  70 

Culua,  the  rising  at,  303 

Cuyohuacan,  the  ruler  of, 
373 

Cuzamilco,  the  town  of,  413 
D 

Daiguao,  the  Indians  at,  6 

De  admirandis  in  natura, 
by  Aristotle,  44 

De  Insulis  nuper  inventis, 
by  Martyr,  42 

De  originibus  Americanis, 
by  Horn,  44 

De  Rebus  Gestis,  the  chron- 
icle, 1 

Deities,  the  monstrous,  of 

Mexico,  213 
Diaz,  Juan,  the  exemption 

of,  110;  left  as  chaplain 

in  Mexico,  233 
Disertaciones,   by  Alaman, 

2,  44 

Dona  Ana  Papantzin,  see 

Papantzin 
Doria,  Andrea,  the  eleven 

galleys  of,  430 
Dona    Elvira,    the  grand- 


464 


Index 


Dona  Elvira — Continued 
daughter  of  Montezuma, 
395 

Dona  Juana,  the  mother  of 
Charles  V.,  109 

Dona  Luisa,  the  daughter 
of  Xicotencatl,  154 

Duero,  Andres  de,  the  in- 
fluence of,  21;  a  mes- 
senger of  Narvaez,  236; 
the  plea  of,  289 

Duero,  Andres  de,  the  plea 
of,  289 

Duran,  Father,  the  report 
of,  266 


E 


El  Rastro,  the  street  of, 
182 

Embassies  from  Monte- 
zuma, 68 

Encomiendas,  the  system  of, 
15,  453 

Epitaph,  the,  on  the  grave 
of  Cortes,  433 

Escalante,  Juan  de,  the 
vessel  of,  31;  becomes 
mayor,  86 ;  mayor  of  Vera 
Cruz,  115;  the  letter  to, 
147 

Escobar,  the  attack  of,  260 
Escobar,  Marina  de,  men- 
tioned, 395 
Escudero,    Juan,    the  al- 
guacil,  12;  the  death  of, 
110 

Escudero,  Pedro,  the  arrest 
of,  87 

Essai  Politique  sur  le  Roy- 


aume    de    Nouvelle  Es- 

pagne,  by  Humboldt,  43 
Estrada,    Alonso     de,  as 

revenue  officer,  402 
Estrada,    Maria    de,  the 

heroism  of,  365 
Estrada,  the  succession  of, 

416 

Estramadura  in  the  year 
1485,  1 

F 

Farfan,  Pedro,  the  first  to 
reach  Narvaez,  240 

Fasco,  the  discovery  of  tin 
in,  390 

Fernando,  King,  of  Spain, 
35 

Figueroa,  Rodrigo  de,  the 

chief    judge,    in  His- 

paniola,  24,  28,  301 
First  Letter  of  Relation  to 

Charles  V.,  29 
Fleet,  the  building  of  the, 

in  Mexico,  336 
Flight,  the  disordered,  from 

Mexico,  275 
Florin,  Jean  de,  the  French 

pirate,  105,  384 
Fonseca,    Juan  Rodriguez 

de,  the  Bishop  of  Burgos, 

108 

Fuenleal,  Don  Sebastian 
Ramirez  de,  the  pro- 
motion of,  425 

G 

Gage,  Thomas,  the  visit  of, 
to  Texcoco,  209 


Index 


465 


Gallego,  Pedro,  the  capture 
of,  329 

Garay,  Francisco  de,  the 
governor  of  Jamaica,  116; 
the  expedition  of,  118 

Garnica,  the  confidential 
messenger,  26 

Godnoy,  Diego,  as  notary,  86 

Gold,  the  lust  of,  in  the 
New  World,  14 

Grado,  Alonso  del,  ap- 
pointed captain  of  Vera 
Cruz,  207;  marriage  of, 
271 

Grand  Cairo,  the  city  of,  16 
Grijalba,  Juan  de,  the  com- 
mand of,  17 
Guacachula,  see  Quauhque- 
chollan 

Guadalupe,  the  shrine  of, 
50 

Guajocingo,  the  halt  at,  175 
Guaniguanico,  the  fleet  of 

Narvaez  at,  226 
Guanin,  a  poor  sort  of  gold, 

17 

Guatemucin  taken  as  a 
prisoner,  406 

Guazincango,  the  province 
of,  152 

Guerrero,  Alonso,  the  es- 
cape of,  32 

Guevara,  Juan  de,  the  mis- 
sion of,  228;  won  over  by 
Cortes,  231 

Guzman,  Nunez  de,  the 
brutality  of,  416,  421 

H 

Harrisse,  Mr.  Henry,  the 
letter  by,  435 


Hayti,  the  island,  14 
Helps,  Sir  Arthur,  the  de- 
scription by,  51 
Hernandez,    Alonso,  the 

capture  of,  328 
Higuey,  the  province,  5,  6 
Hipolito,  the  Feast  of  San, 
372 

Hispaniola,  the  governor  of, 
3;  the  appellate  judges  in, 
13 

Historia  Chichimeca,  by 
Ixtlilxochitl,  75 

Historia  de  las  Indias,  by 
Las  Casas,  23 

Historia  de  Nueva  Espana, 
by  Sahagun,  149 

Historia  de  las  Ordines 
Militares,  by  Torres,  2 

[Historia  de  Tlaxcalla,  by 
Camargo,  129 

Historia  Verdadera,  the,  6 

History  of  Chichimeca,  the 
death  of  Montezuma  de- 
scribed in  the,  267 

History  de  los  Indios,  by 
Motolinia,  337 

History  National  y  Moral 
de  las  Indias,  258 

History  Verdad,  268 

History  de  Yucatan,  the,  by 
Cogolludo,  18 

Holguin,  Garci,  the  cap- 
tain of  a  brigantine, 
371 

Honduras,  the  first  settle- 
ment in,  400 

Huchilohuchico,  the  cause- 
way of,  183 

Huehuetlapallan,  the  coun- 
try called,  46 


466 


Index 


Huexotzinco,     see  Guajo- 

cingo,  175,  294 
Hueyothlipan,   the  arrival 

at,  283 
Huitzilopochtli,  the  god  of 

war,  196;  see  Mexitli 
Huitziton,   the    statue  of, 

214 

Human  sacrifices,  42  ff}  88 
I 

Icacbalceta,   Sefior  Garcia, 

the  letter  of,  435 
Idols,  the,  overthrown,  210 
Isla  de  las  Mugeres,  the,  31 
Isla  de  las  Sacrificios,  the, 

18 

Itzli,  sharp  stones  called, 
131 

Itzocan,  the  allies  from, 
342 

Itztapalapan,  the  road  to, 
50;  the  city  of,  179;  the 
destruction  of,  313 
Ixchebeliax,  the  goddess,  16 
Ixtaccihuatl,  the  volcano  of, 
44 

Ixtlilxochitl,  Prince,  the 
pretender  to  the  throne 
of  Texcoco,  78;  civil  war 
started  by,  209 ;  estimates 
by,  378 

Iztacmixcoatle,  the  son  of, 
18 

J 

Jamaica,  the  island  of,  14 
Jeronymite  fathers,  the,  20; 
the  power  of,  87 


Juana,  Queen  Dona,  of  Cas- 
tile, 35 
Juez  de  residencia,  the,  333 
Julian,  the  baptism  of,  16 

K 

Knighthood,    the   first  in- 
stance of,  in  Mexico,  300 
Kukulcan,  see  Quetzalcoatl 

L 

La  Coruna,  the  trip  of  the 
envoys  to,  109 

Lady,  the  statue  of  our,  30 

Lagos,  Cristobal  de,  the  al- 
calde, 12 

Lara,  Juan  de,  the  capture 
of,  328 

La  Rabida,  the  burial  of 
Sandoval  at,  420 

Lares,  Amador  de,  the  in- 
fluence of,  21 

Las  Casas,  statements  by,  2 

Las  Casas,  Francisco  de, 
the  mission  of,  401 

Las  Casas,  Fray  Bartholo- 
mew de,  writings  of,  9, 
40 

Las  Mugeres,  the  island  of, 
16 

Las  Viboras,  the  treach- 
erous reefs  of,  32 

La  Trinidad,  the  vessel,  17 

Lead  in  Mexico,  191 

Leon,  Don  Luis  Ponce  de, 
the  appointment  of,  415 

Leon,  Juan  Velasquez  de, 
overcoming  the  scruples 


Index 


467 


Leon,  Velasquez  de — 

Continued 
of,  88;  the  departure  of, 
211 

Letters  of  Cortes,  by 
MacNutt,  114 

Lombardy,  the  kings  of,  1 

Lopez,  Martin,  the  chief 
carpenter  of  the  expedi- 
tion, 300 

Lorenzana,  Archbishop,  the 
account  of,  388 

Lorenzo,  a  name  given  the 
son  of  Maxixcatzin,  300 

Lugo,  Francisco  de,  the 
loyalty  of,  83 

M 

Macaguanigua  River,  the, 
12 

Macehuatzin,  the  wrath  of, 
354 

Magarino,  the  captain,  273 
Magiscatzin,  the  power  of 

the,  151 
Malinal,  see  Marina 
Malinche,  see  Marina 
Malintzin,  see  Marina 
Malintzin,  a  name  applied 

to  Cortes,  154 
Mamexi,  the  chieftain,  119 
Maquahuitl,  Indians  armed 

with,  131,  328 
Marcaida,  Catalina  Xuarez 

la,  the  beauty  of,  11 
Marin,  Luis,  the  interven- 
tion of,  343;  the  orders 
sent  by,  373 
Marina,    of   Painalla,  the 


slave,  40;  becomes  inter- 
preter for  Cortes,  71;  the 
great  power  of,  171,  190 

Marquez,  Juan,  the  excel- 
lent work  of,  307 

Martin,  Benito,  the  work  of, 
in  Spain,  108,  109;  the 
influence  of,  223 

Martin,  Juana,  the  heroism 
of,  365 

Martyr,  Peter,  at  the  court 
of  Charles  V.,  42,  108 

Massacre,  the,  at  Cholula, 
165 

Mata,  Alonso  de,  as  notary, 

235 

Matolzingo,  the  ruler  of, 
373 

Maxixcatzin,  the  lord  of 
Ocotelolco,  128;  the 
speech  of,  129;  the  con- 
version of,  154;  still 
favors  the  Spaniards, 
293;  becomes  a  Christian, 
300;  the  death  of,  300; 
the  Tlascalan  chief,  419 

Maxixcatzin,  Don  Lorenzo, 
the  son  of  the  elder  Max- 
ixcatzin, 300 

Maya,  the  civilisation  of 
the,  45 

Mayci,  the  province  of,  7 

Mayeques,  the  position  of 
the,  58 

Mechoacan,  the  kingdom  of, 
43,  385 

Medellin,  the  town  of,  Cor- 
tes born  at,  1,  3,  413 

Medellin,  the  Count  of,  the 
friendship  of  the,  for 
Cortes,  392 


468 


Index 


Medramo,  a  clever  engineer 
named,  357 

Mejia,  Gonzalo  de,  guard- 
ian of  the  treasure,  272 

Melchor,  the  baptism  of,  16; 
the  desertion  of  the  in- 
terpreter, 36 

Melgarejo,  Fray  Pedro,  the 
intervention  of,  343 

Mendoza,  Diego  Hurtado  de, 
cousin  of  Cortes,  427 

Mercedarian  friar,  a,  men- 
tioned, 26 

Mesicalzinco,  the  causeway 
of,  182 

Mexi,  the  tribe  of  the,  18 

Mexia,  Gonzalo,  the  pro- 
motion of,  86 

Mexicalcingo,  the  report  of, 
406 

Mexicalzinco,  the  town  of, 
183 

Mexican  civilisation,  the 
high  perfection  of,  379 

Mexican  Cortes,  the,  see 
Quintalbor 

Mexicans,  the,  known  as 
the  Colhuas,  in  1196,  47 

Mexican  zodiac,  the,  76 

Mexico,  the  conqueror  of,  2; 
the  empire  of,  43  ff;  the 
foundation  of,  47;  signi- 
fication of  the  name,  49; 
the  approach  to  the  city 
of,  179;  the  revolt  of, 
244,  254 

Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  the 
founding  of,  47 ;  the  siege 
of,  343 

Mexitli,  the  god  of  war,  49 

Monarchia  Indiana,  the,  212 


Monjaraz,  Andres  de,  the 
company  of,  328 

Montana,  the  feat  of,  390 

Montejo,  Francisco  de,  the 
captain,  17;  the  expedi- 
tion of,  78 

Montesinos,  the  ballad  of, 
68 

Montezuma,  first  reports  of, 
18;  the  empire  of,  43  ff; 
the  reign  of,  48;  assumes 
name  of  Xocoyotzin,  60; 
early  career,  61;  the  tyr- 
rany  of,  127 ;  opposition 
wavers,  158;  treachery 
of,  167;  the  terror  of, 
170;  meets  Cortes,  184; 
personality  of,  190;  taken 
prisoner,  202;  the  death 
of,  266 

Montezuma  Ilhuicamina,  the 
elder,  60 

Moquihuix,  the  King  of 
Tlatelolco,  50 

More j on,  Rodrigo,  the  cap- 
ture of,  297 

Morla,  Francisco  de,  25 

Moron,  Pedro,  the  death  of, 
134 

Mumuztli,  the  invention  of 
the,  367 

Municipal  council,  the  crea- 
tion of  a,  389 

N 

Nahoa,  the  family  of,  18 

Nahua,  see  Aztec 

Nahua  culture,  the  centre  of 

the,  208 
Narvaez,  Panfilo  de,  the  ac- 


Index 


469 


Narvaez — Continued 

tivities  of,  105;  at  Xa- 

gua,  225 ;  the  capture  and 

downfall  of,  241 
Naulinco,  the  town  of,  120 
Nauthla,   a  lieutenant  at, 

199 

New  Spain  of  the  Ocean 
Sea,  the  name  given 
Mexico  by  the  Spaniards, 
299 

Nezahualcoyotl,  King  of 
Texcoco,  208 

Nezahualpilli,  King  of  Tex- 
coco, 208;  the  palace  of, 
310;  the  election  of,  312 

Nicaragua,  the  expedition 
through,  412 

Nicuesa,  Diego  de,  the  ex- 
pedition of,  6 

Nino,  Francisco,  the  pilot,  4 

Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Re- 
medios,  the  church  of, 
279 

Nunez,  the  ingenuity  of, 
109 

Nyciaca,  the  causeway  of, 
182 

O 

Ocampo,  the  alluring  tales 
of,  393 

Ojeda,  Alonso  de,  the  ex- 
pedition of,  6;  captain  of 
the  rear-guard,  277;  as  a 
drillmaster,  307 

Olea,  Cristobal  de,  the  res- 
cue of  Cortes  by,  328 

Olemchs,  the  tribe  of  the, 
47 


Olid,  Cristobal  de,  the  vain 
search  of,  20;  the  pro- 
motion of,  86;  the  death 
of,  401 

Olintetl,  the  ruler  of  Cal- 
tanmic,  121 

Olmedo,  Fray  Bartolome  de, 
the  Mercedarian  friar,  26; 
the  instructions  of,  40; 
the  ability  of,  231 

Oquizi,  the  death  of,  411 

Ordaz,  Diego  de,  25;  the 
command  of,  30;  the  ar- 
rest of,  87 ;  exploration 
of,  171;  at  Coatzacoalis, 
244;  the  repulse  of,  254 

Ordinances,  the  set  of,  pub- 
lished by  Cortes,  398 

Orellana,  Diego  de,  the  ap- 
pearance of,  13 

Orizaba,  the  peak  of,  119; 
the  town  of,  235;  the  fer- 
tile land  around,  296 

Otho,  Emperor,  Cortes 
compared  to,  383 

Ottomies,  the  tribe  of  the, 
47,  130 

Otumpa,  the  allies  from, 
342 

Ovando,   Don   Nicolas  de, 

the  expedition  of,  3 
Oviedo,  the  historian,  378 

P 

Pachuca,  the  mountain 

chain  of,  44 
Palacio,  Don  Vincente  Riva, 

mentioned,  437 
Palacios,    Beatriz    de,  the 

heroism  of,  365 


47° 


Index 


Palenque,  the  town  of,  46 
Palm  Sunday,  the  first  cele- 
bration of,  in  America,  41 
Panuco,  mentioned,  297 
Papantzin,     Princess,  the 

sister  to  Montezuma,  63 
Paso  de  la  Lena,  the  defile 
of,  121 

Paso  del  Nombre  de  Dios, 

defile  called,  120 
Paso  del  Obispo,  the  pass 

called,  120 
Paz,  Inez  de,  the  aunt  of 

Cortes,  2 
Penol    del    Marques,  the 

island  of,  344 
Perez,    Alonzo,  mentioned, 

330 

Pineda,  Alonzo  Alvarez  de, 
the  command  of,  116 

Pinotl,  the  first  envoys  sent 
to,  62 

Pizarro,  Francisco,  the  ca- 
reer of,  419 

Popocatepetl,  the  eruption 
of,  44,  171 

Popotla,  the  quarters  of, 
388 

Porcallo,    Vasco,    the  in- 
trigues of,  23 
Portillo,  the  death  of,  356 
Puertocarrero,  the  mission 
of,  72 

Puerto  Rico,  the  island  of, 
14 

Puntunchan,  the  road  trom, 
187 

Q 

Quahtli,  a  sort  of  coin,  59 


Quauhpopoca,  a  lieutenant 
to  Montezuma,  199;  the 
pyre  of,  205 

Quauhquechollan,  the  de- 
struction of  the  town  of, 
295 

Quauhtemotzin,  the  son  of 
Ahuitzotl,  the  last  Aztec 
empeiror,  314;  the  cap- 
ture of,  369,  371;  death 
of,  411 

Quechola,  the  notary  at, 
235 

Quetzalcoatl,  disaster  fore- 
told by,  61 ;  the  myth  of, 
64  ff 

Quetzalli-Cohuatl,  the  ety- 
mological name  of,  64 

Quinones,  Antonio  de,  the 
duty  of,  273;  the  com- 
mand of,  336;  the  mis- 
sion of,  384 

Quintalbor,  the  appearance 
of,  7P 

Quintero,  Alonso,  the  vessel 
of,  4 

R  m 

Rada,  Juan  de,  mentioned, 
419 

Rangel,  Rodrigo,  the  ab- 
sence of,  220 

Recherches  Historiques  by 
Scherer,  44 

Reinforcements,  the  arrival 
of,  at  Vera  Cruz,  221 

Relation,  the,  by  Tapia,  38 

Relics  of  the  dead  Span- 
iards at  Zoltepec,  316 


Index 


47i 


Religion,  the,  of  Mexico,  55 
Repartimientos,  the  system 
of,  15 

Retreat,  the,  from  Mexico, 
274 

Ribera,  Juan  de,  the  notary- 
public,  305 

Rio,  Antonio  del,  the  return 
of,  253 

Rio  de  Grijalba,  the,  34 

Rodela,  Indians  armed  with, 
131 

Rodriguez,  Isabel,  the  hero- 
ism of,  365 

Rodriguez,  Juan,  the  house 
of,  432 

Roja,  Juan  de,  the  treach- 
ery of,  108 

Rojas,  Manuel  de,  the  ef- 
fective work  of,  333 

Royal  Council,  the  mem- 
bers of,  34;  for  the  In- 
dies, the,  108 

Rubio,  Dr.  Palacios,  the 
jurisconsult,  34 

S 


Salamanca,  the  University 
of,  2 

Saucedo,  Juan  de,  the  mis- 
valour  of,  281 

Salazar,  Gonzalo,  the  re- 
port brought  by,  401 

Sandoval,  Gonzalo  de,  a 
lieutenant  to  Cortes,  189, 
320;  sent  back  to  the 
coast  as  captain  of  Vera 
Cruz,  207;  the  death  of, 
420 


San  Hippolito,  the  church 

of,  371 
San  Juan  de  Puerta  Latina, 

the  occupation  of,  17 
San    Juan    de    Ulua,  the 

island,  19;  the  arrival  at, 

68 

San  Lucar  de  Barrameda, 

the  departure  from,  4 
San  Nicolas,  Ayllon  in,  226 
San  Sebastian,  the  vessel,  17 
Santa  Maria,  the  delay  at, 
384 

Santa  Maria,  the  vessel, 
17 

Santa  Maria  de  la  Victoria, 
the  naming  of  the  town 
of,  40 

Santestevan  del  Puerto,  the 
founding  of  the  town  of, 
391 

Santiago,  the  vessel,  17 
Santiago    de  Compostilla, 

the  departure  for,  109 
Santo  Domingo,  arrival  at, 

5 

Santo  Tome,  the  island  of, 

428 

Saucedo,  Francisco  de,  ar- 
rival of,  104 

Saucedo,  Juan  de,  the  mis- 
sion of,  20 

Second  Letter  of  Relation 
to  Charles  V.,  the,  56, 
123 

Segura  de  la  Frontera,  the 
founding  of  the  town  of, 
295 

Sepulture,  the,  of  Cortes, 

the  mystery  of,  435 
Serpents,  the  wall  of,  348 


472 


Index 


"  Shining  Mirror,"  the,  of 
Mexico,  214 

Sierra  del  Agua,  the  cross- 
ing of  the,  121 

Sierra  Madre,  the  ascent  of 
the,  119 

"  Silversmiths  town,"  the, 
319 

Simancas,  the  archives  of, 
109 

Solar  system,  the,  of  the 

Mexicans,  57 
Sorrowful  Night,  the,  272  ff 
Sotelo,  the  inventive  genius 

of,  366 

Spaniards,  the  difficulties 
of,  in  Mexico,  40  ff;  the 
great  courage  of,  172 

Spanish-Tlascalan  alliance, 
the,  127  ff 

St.  Peter,  the  patron  saint, 
2 

Storia  Antica  del  Messico, 
the,  63,  268 

T 

Tabasco  River,  the,  18 
Tabzcoob  River,  the,  18 
Tacatelz,  a  citizen  of  Mex- 
ico, 406 
Tacuba,  see  Tlacopan 
Tacuba,  the  causeway  of, 
259;   the    Spaniards  at, 
278 

Tamalhi,  a  kind  of  maize 

cake,  136 
Tamalli,  the  chieftain,  119 
Tapia,  Andres  de,  33 
Taranto,  the  siege  of,  by 

Hannibal,  302 


Tasaico,  the  city  of,  305 

Tascaltecal,  the  assemblage 
in  the  province  of,  304 

Tax-collectors,  the,  of  Mon- 
tezuma, 93 

Teatro  Mexicano,  by  Vetan- 
court,  398 

Teayotl,  a  place  called,  267 

Tecocoltzin,  Fernando,  the 
death  of,  317 

Tecuichpo,  the  daughter  of 
Montezuma,  315;  the  con- 
sideration shown  Prin- 
cess, 373 

Te  Deum  Laudamus,  the 
singing  of,  337 

Teel-Cuzam,  the  statue  of, 
18 

Tejuele,  a  gold  coin,  59 
Telepanquetzal,   the  death 
of,  411 

Temistitan,  the  city  of,  182 
Temixtitan,  the  city  of,  183 
Tenepal,  the  family  name 
of,  71 

Tenoch,  the  descendants  of, 
18 

Tenochtitlan,  the  develop- 
ment of,  48;  the  island 
of,  49 

Teocalli,  the  purification  of 

the,  153;  the  fall  of  the. 

in  Mexico,  349 
Teozahuatl,  the  name  given 

to     smallpox,     by  the 

Aztecs,  292 
Tepanec,  the  tribe  of,  47 
Tepepolco,   the    island  of, 

344 

Tepetlaxtoc,  the  convent  at, 
399 


Index 


473 


Tepeyac,  the  road  to,  250 
Tepeyaca,  the  invasion  of, 

289,  293;  the  allies  from, 

342 

Tepeyacans,  the  revolt  of 

the,  294 
Tetepanguecal,  the  King  of 

Tacuba,  406 
Tetzmulocan,  the  army  goes 

through,  308 
Teuch,  the  chieftain,  119 
vTeuhtlili,  the  ambassador, 

70 

Teules,  a  name  applied  to 

the  Spaniards,  95 
Teutlamacazqui,  the  envoy 

to  Pinotl,  62 
Texcoc,  see  Acolhua 
Texcoco,  the  rising  hatred 

of  the  kingdom  of,  208; 

the    campaign    at,  309; 

the  archives  of,  381 
Tezcatlipoca,  the  god,  196, 

214 

Tezcoco,  the  salt-water  lake 
of,  44 

Tezozomoc,  the  reign  of,  47 

Tierra-caliente,  the  lux- 
uriant, 119 

Tlacatle,  General,  the  death 
of,  411 

Tlacopan,  the  causeway  to, 
50;  the  alliance  with, 
208 

Tlahua,  the  lake  of,  179 
Tlahuica,  the  tribes  of,  325 
Tlahuichco,    the   tribe  of, 
47 

Tlapanecatl,  the  bravery  of, 
356 

Tlapanhuchuetl,  a  great 


cylindrical  drum,  214,  361 
Tlapaltecatlopuchtzin,  the 

bravery  of,  368 
Tlascala,  the  tribe  of,  47; 
the  regents  of,  123;  nego- 
tiations with  the  city  of, 
127;  the  triumphal  entry 
into,  148;  description  of, 
150;  the  bravery  of  the, 
326 

Tlatelolco,  the  island  of, 
49;  the  Christian  baptism 
in,  64;  the  quarter  known 
as,  191;  the  warriors  of, 
356;  the  market-place  of, 
357;  the  quarters  of,  388 

Tlatelolco  teocalli,  the  visit 
to  the,  212 

Tlehuezolotzin,  the  proposi- 
tion of,  130 

Tlepehuacan,  reinforce- 
ments  at,  308 

Toledo,  Dona  Maria  de, 
11 

Tollan,  see  Tula 
Tollantzinco,  the  founding 

of  the  city  of,  46;  the 

allies  from,  342 
Toltecs,  the  origin  of  the, 

44;  in  the  year,  554  A.D., 

46;  the  teachings  of  the, 

216 

Tonacacuahuitl,  the  god, 
153 

Tonaiuh,   a  name   applied  * 

to  Alvarado,  155 
Torquemada,  the  records  of, 

269 

Torre  de  la  Victoria,  the 

camp  of,  148 
Torres,  Juan  de,  becomes 


474 


Index 


Torres,  Juan  de — Continued 
guardian  of  Cempoalla, 
103 

Tortilla,  the,  a  nation  of 

Tlascala,  264 
Tortugas,  the  towers  called, 

259 

Totonacs,  the  nation  of  the, 
81 

Toxcatl,  the  feast  of,  245 
Traditions,   the  conflicting 

of  Mexico,  46 
Treasure,  the  saving  of  the, 

272;  the  lack  of,  376 
Tula,  the  western  boundary 
of  Mexico,  44;  the  city 
of,  in  667  A.D.,  46,  47 
Tunas,  Mexican  figs,  132 
Tuscany,  the  kings  of,  1 
Tzilacatzin,  the  giant  war- 
rior of  the  Aztecs,  356 

U 

Uchilobos,  the  deity,  413 
Umbria,    Gonzalo    de,  the 

punishment  of,  110 
Urrea,  Fray  Pedro  Melga- 

rejo  de,  the  Dominican 

friar,  321 ;  as  ambassador, 

390 

Utatlan,  the  town  of,  46 
Uxmal,  the  town  of,  46 

V 

Valencia,  Friar  Martin  de, 
399 

Valencia,  the  trip  to,  4 
Valladolid,  the  royal  letters 

from,  392 
Verela,    Francisco  Nunez 

de,  2 


Vehichilzi,  the  death  of,  411 
Velasquez,  Diego,  a  native 
of  Cuellar,  6;  friendship 
of,  for  Cortes,  8;  char- 
acter of,  9  ff;  appointed 
adelantado,  104;  the 
power  of,  in  Spain,  223 
Velasquez,  Juan,  the  arrest 
of,  87 

Vendabal,  Francisco  Mar- 
tin, the  capture  of,  329 

Venezuela,  the  name  of,  179 

Venida  de  los  Espanoles, 
the,  378 

Vera  Cruz,  the  founding  of, 
74  ff 

Verdugo,  Francisco,  mayor 
of  Trinidad,  25 

Veret,  Louis,  keeper  of  the 
royal  jewels,  224 

Vetanzos,  Friar  of  the  Do- 
minicans, 399 

Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz, 
the  naming  of,  86 

Villafana,  the  conspiracy 
of,  334 

W 

Walhalla,  the,  of  the  kings 

of  antiquity,  62 
Women,  the  position  of  the, 

365 

Women's  Island,  the  dis- 
covery of,  16 

X 

Xaltocan,  the  fighting  at, 

318 

Xchel,  the  goddess,  16 


Index 


475 


Xicalango  River,  the  brig- 
antines  on  the,  412 

Xicalango,  the  tribe  of  the, 
47;  the  traders  of,  71 

Xicotencatl,  the  desertion 
of,  34;  the  lord  of  Titza- 
tlan,  the  opinion  of,  129; 
General,  the  task  of,  130; 
the  surrender  of,  145;  the 
reluctant  admiration  of, 
307 

Xihmocoatl,   General,  the 

death  of,  411 
Xiloltepec,  the  allies  from, 

242 

Xiocochimilco,  the  town  of, 
120 

Xiuhtepec,  the  town  of,  325 
Xochimilco,  the  tribe  of,  47 ; 

the  prosperous  town  of, 

327 

Xocotla,  the  town  of,  121 
Xocoyotzin,  see  Montezuma 
Xoloc,  the  fortress  of,  50, 
329 

Xolotl,  the  reign  of,  47 
Xuarez,  Catalina,  the  first 
wife  of  Cortes,  395;  men- 
tioned, 449 


Xuarez,   Juan,  the  family 
of,  11 

Y 

Yauhtepec,    the  march 

through,  325 
Yxtacamaxtitlan,  the  town 

of,  123 
Yzompachtepetl,  the  camp 

on  the  hill  of,  134 

Z 

Zacatepec,  the  battle  near, 
294 

Zacatula  River,  the,  44 
Zinc  in  Mexico,  192 
Zoltepec,   the   capture  of, 
316 

Zoological    gardens,  the, 

near  Mexico,  179 
Zorro,     Cristobal,  land 

sighted  by,  5 
Zuazo,  Alonzo,  the  mission 

of,    333;    the  licentiate 

letter  from,  412 
Zumarraga,  Fray  Juan,  the 

protest  of,  424 
Zuniga,  Dona  Juana  de,  the 

second  wife  of  Cortes,  422 


The  importance  and  romantic  nature  of  the  subject,  together 
with  Its  excellent  presentation,  should  merit  a  place  for  this  work 
In  every  library  of  Americana, 


Letters  of  Cortes 

The  Five  Letters  of  Relation  from  Fernando 
Cortes  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 

Translated  and  Edited  with  a  Biographical  Introduction 
and  Notes  Compiled  from  Original  Sources 

By 

Francis  Augustus  MacNutt 

Two  Volumes,  Svo.     With  Portraits  in  Photogravure  and  Maps 
Limited  to  fjo  Sets,  Printed  from  Type 

This  sumptuous  edition  of  the  letters  of  Cortes  presents  for 
the  first  time  in  a  consecutive  English  translation  the  five  letters 
of  relation  from  Fernando  Cortes  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 
Historians  and  scholars  have  long  recognized  these  letters  as  the 
earliest  and  most  authoritative  source  of  information  on  Mexican 
conquest.  The  present  version  has  been  translated  throughout 
by  Mr.  MacNutt,  who  has  rendered  the  cumbersome  sixteenth- 
century  Spanish  of  Cortes  in  readable  English.  Mr.  MacNutt  is 
well  fitted  for  his  task,  having  been  a  devoted  student  of  Spanish 
literature  since  his  boyhood,  when  he  was  initiated  into  Spanish- 
American  History  under  the  scholarly  direction  of  the  late  Abbe 
Fischer,  some  time  confessor  and  chaplain  to  the  Emperor  Max- 
milian  of  Mexico.  Mr.  MacNutt  has  appended  to  the  Letters  an 
ample  series  of  notes  drawn,  with  great  and  painstaking  labor, 
from  the  best  sources,  ancient  and  modern.  These  serve  to  illus- 
trate, complete,  and  correct  the  narrative. 

Send  for  descriptive  circular 


Q.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  London 


Heroes  of  the  Nations 


A  Series  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  and 
work  of  a  number  of  representative  historical  char- 
acters about  whom  have  gathered  the  great  traditions 
of  the  Nations  to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have 
been  accepted,  in  many  instances,  as  types  of  the 
several  National  ideals.  With  the  life  of  each  typical 
character  will  be  presented  a  picture  of  the  National 
conditions  surrounding  him  during  his  career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are 
•recognized  authorities  on  their  several  subjects,  and, 
while  thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  will  present 
picturesque  and  dramatic  "stories"  of  the  Men  and 
of  the  events  connected  with  them. 

To  the  Life  of  each  "Hero"  will  be  given  one  duo- 
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provided  with  maps  and  adequately  illustrated  ac- 
cording to  the  special  requirements  of  the  several 
subjects. 


For  full  list  of  volumes  see  next  page. 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS 


NELSON.    By  W.  Clark  Russell. 
GUSTAVUS  ADOLPHUS.    By  C. 

R.  L.  Fletcher. 
PERICLES.     By  Evelyn  Abbott. 
THEODORIC  THE  GOTH.  By 

Thomas  Hodgkin. 
SIR  PHILIP  SIDNEY.    By  H.  R. 

Fox -Bourne. 
JULIUS  CAESAR.     By  W.  Warde 

Fowler. 

WYCLIF.     By  Lewis  Sergeant. 
NAPOLEON.      By  W.  O'Connor 
Morris. 

HENRY  OF  NAVARRE.     By  P. 

F.  Willert. 
CICERO.       By  J.  L.  Strachan- 

Davidson. 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.    By  Noah 

Brooks. 

PRINCE  HENRY  (OF  PORTU- 
GAL) THE  NAVIGATOR. 
By  C.  R.  Beazley. 

JULIAN  THE  PHILOSOPHER. 
By  Alice  Gardner. 

LOUIS  XIV.   By  Arthur  Hassall, 

CHARLES  XII.  By  R.  Nisbet 
Bain. 

LORENZO  DE»  MEDICI.  By 

Edward  Armstrong. 
JEANNE  D'ARC.      By  Mrs.  Oli- 

phant. 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  By 
Washington  Irving. 


R  OBERT  THE  BRUCE.     By  Sir 

Herbert  Maxwell. 
HANNIBAL.       By  W.  O'Connor 

Morris. 

ULYSSES  S.  GRANT.  By  William 
Conant  Church. 

ROBERT  E.  LEE.  By  Henry 
Alexander  White. 

THE  CID  CAMPEADOR.  By  H. 
Butler  Clarke. 

SALADIN.  By  Stanley  Lane- 
Poole. 

BISMARCK.  By  J.  W.  Headlam. 
ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  By 

Benjamin  I.  Wheeler. 
CHARLEMAGNE.     By  H.  W.  C. 

Davis. 

OLIVER  CROMWELL.  By 
Charles  Firth. 

RICHELIEU.  By  James  B.  Perkins. 

DANIEL  O'CONNELL.  By  Rob- 
ert Dunlop. 

SAINT  LOUIS  (Louis  IX.  of 
France).    By  Frederick  Perry. 

LORD  CHATHAM.  By  Walford 
Davis  Green. 

OWEN  GLYNDWR.  By  Arthur 
G.  Bradley. 

HENRY  V.  By  Charles  L.  Kings- 
ford. 

EDWARD  I.     By  Edward  Jenks. 
AUGUSTUS  CAESAR.      By  J.  B. 
Firth. 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS 


FREDERICK  THE  GREAT.  By 

W.  F.  Reddaway. 
WELLINGTON.    By  W .  O'Connor 

Morris. 

CONSTANTINE    THE  GREAT. 
By  J.  B.  Firth. 


MOHAMMED.  By  D.S.Margoliouth. 
CHARLES   THE   BOLD.  By 

Ruth  Putnam. 
WASHINGTON.  By  J.  A.  Harrison. 
WILLIAM   THE  CONQUEROR. 

By  F.  M.  Stenton. 


Other  volumes  in  preparation  are : 


MOLTKE.  By  Spencer  Wilkinson. 
JUDAS  MACCABEUS.    By  Israel 

Abrahams. 
SOBIESKI.     By  F.  A.  Pollard. 
ALFRED  THE  TRUTHTELLER. 

By  Frederick  Perry. 
FREDERICK  II.  By  A  L.Smith. 


MARLBOROUGH.     By  C.  W.  C. 
Oman. 

RICHARD  THE  LION-HEARTED. 

By  T.  A.  Archer. 
WILLIAM  THE   SILENT.  By 

Ruth  Putnam. 
GREGORY  VII.     By  F.  Urquhar. 


New  York— G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS,  Publishers— London 


The  Story  of  the  Nations 


In  the  story  form  the  current  of  each  National  life 
is  distinctly  indicated,  and  its  picturesque  and  note- 
worthy periods  and  episodes  are  presented  for  the 
reader  in  their  philosophical  relation  to  each  other 
as  well  as  to  universal  history. 

It  is  the  plan  of  the  writers  of  the  different  volumes 
to  enter  into  the  real  life  of  the  peoples,  and  to  bring 
them  before  the  reader  as  they  actually  lived,  labored, 
and  struggled — as  they  studied  and  wrote,  and  as 
they  amused  themselves.  In  carrying  out  this  plan, 
the  myths,  with  which  the  history  of  all  lands  begins, 
will  not  be  overlooked,  though  these  will  be  carefully 
distinguished  from  the  actual  history,  so  far  as  the 
labors  of  the  accepted  historical  authorities  have 
resulted  in  definite  conclusions. 

The  subjects  of  the  different  volumes  have  been 
planned  to  cover  connecting  and,  as  far  as  possible, 
consecutive  epochs  or  periods,  so  that  the  set  when 
completed  will  present  in  a  comprehensive  narrative 
the  chief  events  in  the  great  Story  of  the  Nations; 
but  it  is,  of  course,  not  always  practicable  to  issue 
the  several  volumes  in  their  chronological  order. 


For  list  of  volumes  see  next  page. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


GREECE.    Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison. 
ROME.    Arthur  Gilman. 
THE  JEWS.    Prof.  James  K.  Hos- 
mer. 

CHALDEA.     Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
GERMANY.     S.  Baring-Gould. 
NORWAY.   Hjalmar  H.  Boyesen. 
SPAIN.      Rev.  E.  E.  and  Susan 
Hale. 

HUNGARY.     Prof.  A.  Vambery. 
CARTHAGE.        Prof.   Alfred  J. 
Church. 

THE  SARACENS.  Arthur  Gil- 
man. 

THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN.  Stanley 

Lane-Poole. 
THE  NORMANS.       Sarah  Orne 

Jewett. 

PERSIA.     S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 

ANCIENT  EGYPT.  Prof.  Geo. 
Rawlinson. 

ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE.  Prof. 
J.  P.  Mahaffy. 

ASSYRIA.     Z.  A.  Ragozin. 

THE  GOTHS.     Henry  Bradley. 

IRELAND.    Hon.  Emily  Lawless. 

TURKEY.     Stanley  Lane-Poole. 

MEDIA,  BABYLON,  AND  PER- 
SIA.    Z.  A.  Ragozin. 

MEDIEVAL  FRANCE.  Prof .  Gus- 
tave  Masson. 

HOLLAND.  Prof.  J.  Thorold 
Rogers. 

MEXICO.     Susan  Hale. 

PHOENICIA.     George  Rawlinson. 


THE  HANSA  TOWNS.  Helen 

Zimmern. 
EARLY  BRITAIN.     Prof.  Alfred 

J.  Church. 
THE     BARBARY  CORSAIRS. 

Stanley  Lane -Poole. 
RUSSIA.     W.  R.  Morfill. 
THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROME.  W. 

D.  Morrison. 
SCOTLAND.    John  Mackintosh. 
SWITZERLAND.     R.  Stead  and 

Mrs.  A.  Hug. 
PORTUGAL.    H.  Morse -Stephens, 
THE  BYZANTINE  EMPIRE.  C. 

W.  C.  Oman. 
SICILY.     E.  A.  Freeman. 
THE  TUSCAN  REPUBLICS.  Bella 

Duffy. 

POLAND.     W.  R.  Morfill. 
PARTHIA.     Geo.  Rawlinson. 
JAPAN.     David  Murray. 
THE    CHRISTIAN  RECOVERY 

OF  SPAIN.    H.  E.  Watts. 
AUSTRALASIA .    Greville  Tregar^ 

then. 

SOUTHERN  AFRICA.     Geo.  M. 
Theal. 

VENICE.     Alethea  Weil. 

THE  CRUSADES.    T.  S.  Archer 

and  C.  L.  Kingsford. 
VEDIC  INDIA.    Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
BOHEMIA.     C.  E.  Maurice. 
CANADA.     J.  G.  Bourinot. 
THE  BALKAN  STATES.  William 

Miller. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA.  R. 

W.  Frazer. 
MODERN  FRANCE.  Andre  Le  Bon. 
THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  Alfred 

T.  Story.     Two  vols. 
THE  FRANKS.     Lewis  Sergeant. 
THE  WEST  INDIES.    Amos  K. 

Fiske. 

THE  PEOPLE  OF  ENGLAND. 
Justin  McCarthy,  M.P.  Two 
vols. 

AUSTRIA.     Sidney  Whitman. 
CHINA.     Robt.  K.  Douglass. 
MODERN  SPAIN,     Major  Martin 

A.  S.  Hume. 
MODERN  ITALY.    Pietro  Orsi. 
THE    THIRTEEN  COLONIES. 

Helen  A.  Smith.     Two  vols. 
WALES  AND  CORNWALL.  Owen 

M.  Edwards.     Net  $1.35. 
MEDIAEVAL  ROME.   Wm.  Miller. 


THE  PAPAL  MONARCHY.  Wm. 
Barry. 

MEDIEVAL  INDIA.  Stanley 
Lane -Poole. 

BUDDHIST  INDIA.  T.  W.  Rhys- 
Davids. 

THE  SOUTH  AMERICAN  RE- 
PUBLICS. Thomas  C.  Daw- 
son.    Two  vols. 

PARLIAMENTARY  ENGLAND. 
Edward  Jenks. 

MEDIEVAL  ENGLAND.  Mary 
Bateson. 

THE  UNITED  STATES.  Edward 

Earle  Sparks.     Two  vols. 
ENGLAND,   THE   COMING  OF 

PARLIAMENT.  L.  Cecil  Jane. 
GREECE— EARLIEST  TIMES— 

A.D.  14.    E.  S.  Shuckburgh. 
ROMAN  EMPIRE,    B.C.  29-A.D. 

476.    N.  Stuart  Jones. 


